Most theorists on International Relations agree on recognizing natural resources, economic strength, technologica! development, political stability and military strength as the five bases of a state's power.This unanimity is in sharp contrast with the divergence in the operationalizations of the power of states. Most operationalizations use only one or two bases of a state's power and thus are very limited in scope.Therefore, the demand for an operationalization sticking as closely as possible to the unanimity among theorists, farces itself on the (...) researcher. The present study is an attempt to transform the theoretical unanimity into an operational measuring.Such an operationalization was obtained by granting all five power bases an equal share in the index, and by giving an equal weight to the sums of the arithmetical values for fifteen subindicators and thus for the five indicators. The nations'power index thus obtained was applied for 110 nation states as they existed in the beginning of the '70s. On this power scale, ratings diHer from 29,046 IWM for the USA to 276 IWM for Gambia, and even less for a number of the smaller states that could not be investigated. (shrink)

The government-opposition scheme of a two-party system does not function that clearly in a multiparty system which is the case in Belgium. To examine to what extent the opposition parties in a multi-partysystem are functional for policymaking, the period 1965-1971 was chosen for Belgium, providing a complete scale of government and opposition parties.A content analysis of all political parties' platforms in 1965 permits to determine the policy objectives, classified in policy areas, so that at the end of the six years (...) a survey could be made about the completely andpartly realised planks of the platforms according to government and opposition parties, according to the party-strength which was congruent with the duration of government participation. In Belgium a distinctioncan also be made between the traditional opposition parties and the nonelitist opposition parties, which during the given period were not accepted as possible government parties by the political elite.To obtain a correct evaluation of the realisations, the approach took successively into account the absolute number of platform-planks, the number of specific items of a party and the degree of importance andsocial repercussion of the distinct planks that could be realised.Although respectively for 6, 4 and 2 years in the government the CVP, the BSP and the PVV realise approximately the same number of planks. The non-elitist opposition party Volksunie realised a smaller butstill considerable number of objectives. So did also, but to a smaller extent the RW, KP and FDP. The interpretation of these results could be the loss of distinctiveness of the government-opposition scheme in amultiparty system, the elite-consensus in Belgium, the function of the «zweeppartij» strategy and the definition of the opposition in terms of action. (shrink)

Though the central concept in International Relations, not so much importance was yet attached to the operationalisation of national power.In his overview, the author distinguishes three conceptual approaches:1° exercised power ; 2° status ; 3° potential power.An operationalisation of exercised power is not yet available because of grave theoretical and practical difficulties. Indices of status are elaboratedbut the relevance of this concept seems to be low.Potential power, the most intresting approach is aften elaborated; the present-day operationalisations however don't correspond to (...) what the «great theoretici» wrote about «the elements of national power».In most cases only one or a few indicators are included; most operationalisations don't deliver a rank ordening but only a stratification...The author concludes research attention should be attached to the operationalisation of power, especially potential power. (shrink)

The four-yearly social elections in Belgium took place for the tenth time in june 1991.The results show a renewed victory for the christian trade union ACV; all the other unions and lists lost. The socialist union ABW, which was once the most powerful in Belgium, felt the decline most strongly. It could maintain a narrow relative majority in votes in Wallonia but was outnumbered in seats by the ACV.For many years Wallonia was considered to be a "red bastion". Another important (...) shift was that the three "general" unions together gained the majority of votes of the executive staff members, at the expense of their "specific" lists : those of organizations and groups representing only members of the executive staffs.These elections showed a further decline in attendance, in spite of all the propaganda made by the Ministry of Labour, urging the employees to take part in the elections. (shrink)

This article aims to present a framework for comparative analysis ofelectoral programs.A content analysis of the programs of the last Belgian elections delivered a number of program items, classified in policy sectors : financial, cultural, social, economic, internal and foreign policy. For each item of each party was checked up if each other party agreed or disagreed with it, or didn't give an opinion upon it. These data were the basis to calculate the consensus and dissension between the parties.These data (...) were also the basis to construct the programmogram, a graph representing the extent of the programs of the parties, their originality, the importance attached to each policy sector, and the consensus and dissension between the parties. (shrink)

In 1987 the centre-right coalition was able to break through partially the triopoly of the three trade unions - the christian ACV, the socialist ABVV en the liberal ACLVB - by admitting to the four-yearly social elections separate lists of candidates for the members of the executive staffs.As a result of this, the position of the three unions weakened. The decline was most strongly felt by the ABVV; the socialist union lost 2.6 %. The minor loss of 0.7 % enabled (...) the christian ACV to regain its position as the strongest Belgian union, a position which was taken for the first time in 1979 and was lost again in the elections of 1983.After thë recent social elections, neither the unions, nor the « independent » National Confederation of the Executive Staff Members, nor the individual lists of the members of the executive staffs can cÏaim io be « the representator » of the members of the executive staffs.Through the analysis of the 1987 results, it is found once more that social elections are little affected by political events. The results of the social elections are in no way correlated to the results of the politicalelections. (shrink)