These are strange and unprecedented times in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Most frontline healthcare professionals have never witnessed anything like this before. As a result, staff may experience numerous and continuous traumatic events, which in many instances, will negatively affect their psychological well-being. Particularly, nurses face extraordinary challenges in response to shifting protocols, triage, shortages of resources, and the astonishing numbers of patients who require care in expedited time constraints. As most healthcare workers are passionate nursing professionals, frustration (...) and often a sense of powerlessness occur when they find themselves unable to provide needed care to their patients. The overwhelming number of deaths, patients isolated and dying alone, and the ever-present fear of being infected and then infecting colleagues, family, friends due to the lack of protective gear or known protocols takes its toll on emotional and psychological well-being. For nurses, the experience of this significant (hopefully once-in-a-lifetime) event can inflict on-going moral injury. Nurses affected by this trauma require education, coping tools, and therapy to help avoid or alleviate the adverse effects on their well-being. Institutions must provide these resources to tend to the well-being of their healthcare staff, during and beyond the pandemic. This article aims to investigate moral distress—considering it as a moral injury—and offer tools and recommendations to support healthcare nurses as they respond to this crisis and its aftermath. (shrink)

The COVID‐19 pandemic has shaken the world through its first wave, and we have yet to experience the second wave. Even resourceful countries have failed to adequately prevent epidemics in their country, and for countries like Bangladesh, which already has strained an ineffective healthcare system, the challenges to contain the SARS‐CoV‐2 virus are that much more severe. Due to the scarcity of resources and systematic failures the Bangladeshi people deeply mistrust the healthcare system. The mistrust is further magnified as healthcare (...) providers are hesitant to treat the patients because of the lack of proper protective gear. Physicians have a moral obligation to serve and treat patients; however, they have a moral obligation to protect their families. This dilemma places healthcare providers in situations where they experience moral distress. This article specifically discusses the importance of interpersonal relationships in driving change, using the framework of Responsiveness, while stating the need for complementary systematic change in order to rebuild trust in the Bangladeshi healthcare system. (shrink)

The COVID‐19 pandemic has shaken the world through its first wave, and we have yet to experience the second wave. Even resourceful countries have failed to adequately prevent epidemics in their country, and for countries like Bangladesh, which already has strained an ineffective healthcare system, the challenges to contain the SARS‐CoV‐2 virus are that much more severe. Due to the scarcity of resources and systematic failures the Bangladeshi people deeply mistrust the healthcare system. The mistrust is further magnified as healthcare (...) providers are hesitant to treat the patients because of the lack of proper protective gear. Physicians have a moral obligation to serve and treat patients; however, they have a moral obligation to protect their families. This dilemma places healthcare providers in situations where they experience moral distress. This article specifically discusses the importance of interpersonal relationships in driving change, using the framework of Responsiveness, while stating the need for complementary systematic change in order to rebuild trust in the Bangladeshi healthcare system. (shrink)

Developing World Bioethics, Volume 21, Issue 4, Page 187-192, December 2021.

Background The migration of health care professionals from developing to developed countries is a trend. This migration benefits the destination countries but is quite often devastating to healthca...

The men and women in Invisible Hands reveal the human rights abuses occurring behind the scenes of the global economy. These narrators--including phone manufacturers in China, copper miners in Zambia, garment workers in Bangladesh, and farmers around the world--reveal the secret history of the things we buy, including lives and communities devastated by low wages, environmental degradation, and political repression. Sweeping in scope and rich in detail, these stories capture the interconnectivity of all people struggling to support themselves and their (...) families. (shrink)

In practical terms, the word “neutrality” means a policy of avoidinginteractions with nations that are engaged in armed conflict, or of trying tocure war while avoiding their contamination. In Malaysia, politicians andgovernment officials often use expressions such as that Malaysia will continueits stance of neutrality, or that it wants to remain neutral and friendly toeveryone. This study critically examines Malaysia’s stance on diplomaticneutrality, with particular focus on its past and present. It argues that neutralityis used as a political concept to (...) avoid conflict with major powers. Malaysia willremain effectively neutral so long as there is no major outbreak of any war inthe region. It exercises its rights through endurance and avoidance. (shrink)

Social Networking Sites (SNS), particularly Facebook (FB) have become extremely popular among digital natives, especially university-level students. Moreover, they sometimes may see social networks as an extension of their lives (boyd, 2014) which can be called as a new communication platform for interpersonal communication. For the purpose of the study, interpersonal communication skills (ICS) levels explored in four sub-sections both in the social and e-social environments.1 Digital natives’ IPC skills were measured to figure out whether there is any statistically difference (...) between both environments. Interpersonal Communication Skills Inventory (Social Learning, 2002) is used as an instrument for the present study. (shrink)

Social Networking Sites (SNS), particularly Facebook (FB) have become extremely popular among digital natives, especially university-level students. Moreover, they sometimes may see social networks as an extension of their lives (boyd, 2014) which can be called as a new communication platform for interpersonal communication. For the purpose of the study, interpersonal communication skills (ICS) levels explored in four sub-sections both in the social and e-social environments.1 Digital natives’ IPC skills were measured to figure out whether there is any statistically difference (...) between both environments. Interpersonal Communication Skills Inventory (Social Learning, 2002) is used as an instrument for the present study. (shrink)

The 14th general election in Malaysia held on May 9, 2018 is anhistoric event that altered the political landscape of the nation. For the firsttime over sixty years this election has caused to change the government fromBarisan Nasional coalition to another coalition named PakatanHarapan, formed in 2015. This article has analysed theelection results and the probable factors that might have contributed to thehistoric change. It argued that since 1999 the ruling Malay elites have becomepermanently divided challenging the dominance of United (...) Malay NationalOrganisation in politics and the prospect for a viable alternativebecame consolidated with the rise of Parti KeAdilan Rakyat offeringan avenue for a new generation politics. The return of Mahathir Mohamad topolitics and a strategic coalition mainly between his party and PKR, party ofthe jailed leader Anwar Ibrahim, made an alternative to BN/UMNO a realitythrough winning the election. (shrink)

Women political participation is understood to be a part of civic rightsbut their participation is hindered by various factors. Numerous researchershave claimed that Islam as a religion, Muslim social culture and traditioninhibit women from political participation in Muslim societies. However, thereare a number of Muslim majority countries where women occupy the highestpublic offices and head ministries. How can this contradiction be explained.This article examines women political participation in Central Asian Muslimrepublics by looking at socioeconomic, parliamentary representation andinformal participation factors. The (...) study argues that socioeconomic factors inthe republics still do not allow much liberal public space for women to takepart in politics; however, in terms of parliamentary representation the republicsmaintains a record that sometimes are better off than many mature democracies.In terms of informal participation the region records better visibility of womenin politics. (shrink)

ICT for development projects often focus on integrating social factors in information systems design. A well-designed ICT4D solution must be tailored to the needs of the people who will use them and subsequently, requires an extensive understanding of the context and constraints in people’s lives. With an objective to explore how context-specific issues influence the conveyance of appropriate agricultural information to women, this paper uses PROTIC, a 5-year collaborative project between Monash University and Oxfam, as a case. PROTIC was implemented (...) in three climate vulnerable ecological zones of Bangladesh with an aim to overcome the agricultural information gap for rural women. Based on a study in mixed research method and triangulation, this paper brings evidence on the significance of considering context-specific attributes in designing effective and sustainable information services for marginalized women farmers in developing countries. The paper upfolds some significant recommendations which is expected to contribute to the domain of context-specific information system design in resolving socio-economic problems to pave the way of sustainable development. (shrink)

Introduction: Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) has unfavorable consequences for women as well as for newborn babies, which is very serious and preventable public health problem. It is believed to have an excessive occurrence in lives of women in South Asia. The objective of this study is to describe the prevalence, risk factors and consequences of IPV in Bangladesh. Methods: A scoping review was carried out based on the past 12 years of posted and gray literature about IPV in Bangladesh using (...) Arksey and O’Malley’s framework. Only the literature addressing abuses or violence in households or outside including physical, sexual or mental violence on the married woman in Bangladesh were taken into consideration for the study. Results: The overall prevalence of IPV in Bangladesh, the latest reviews of rates ranging from 15.5-82.7%.Most of the IPV in Bangladesh was based totally on the experience of legally married women. The main risk factors of IPV in Bangladesh were women being younger, from lower socioeconomic reputation, from lower academic attainment and lower education of husband, dowry, child marriage, perceived disobedience of wives, family conflict, children had recently been ill, and incapability of to furnish sexual satisfaction. Maternal depressive symptoms, signs of stress, anxiety and constraint to the better health of young children are the main consequences of IPV in Bangladesh. Besides, IPV causes unwanted pregnancy, pregnancy loss in the form of miscarriage, induced abortion, or stillbirth and termination of pregnancy in Bangladesh. Conclusions: Woman’s empowerment may reduce IPV and understanding attitudes towards IPV in cultural context could be crucial for developing interventions to reduce IPV and its consequences. (shrink)

Diskuse o filosofických problémech spojených s nástupem autonomní dopravy je často spojena s negativy a je vedena v duchu techno-pesimismu. Významný prostor v této debatě je věnován aplikaci vozíkového dilematu („trolley problem“) do řídících algoritmů vozů. V této eseji se však zamýšlíme nad dalším problémem našich morálních intuic – otázkou morálního aktérství. Pocit morální odpovědnosti si žádá faktickou kontrolu nad situací a kauzální odpovědnost. O tu bývalý řidič jako pasažér autonomního vozu přichází, ale přesto může cítit vinu. Prioritně bychom se (...) měli soustřeďovat na morální psychologii uživatele, spíše než na hledání optima kolizí pro algoritmy. V eseji poukazujeme na historické paralely absence aktéra v automatických systémech i na to, že lidé snáze přijímají autonomní nákladní dopravu než dopravu osob. Dále nastiňujeme možné způsoby řešení přesunu odpovědnosti, a to nejprve prostřednictvím analogie s řidičem přicházejícím o aktérství nástupem do vozu hromadné dopravy. Možný operátor autonomních vozů, který na provoz dohlíží místo skutečného řidiče, může představovat dočasné opatření. Skutečnou alternativou morální odpovědnosti by se ale mohl stát fiktivní morální aktér dosazený provozovatelem vozů. Oproštění se od vlastnictví autonomního vozu osvobozuje lidi od konečného vnímání morální odpovědnosti, takže krátkodobé výpůjčky, sdílení nebo hromadná doprava by mohly být další vhodnou odpovědí na tento psychologický fenomén. Klíčová slova: aktérství, autonomní vozidla, morální odpovědnost, morální intuice. (shrink)

The text offers an examination of socio-political bases, modes of functioning, and of the consequences of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on Serbian disunity. The first section of the paper deals with what is being expressed and what is being done socially when narratives on Serbian disunity are invoked in everyday discourses. The next section investigates what political actor sty, by publicly replicating them, or by basing their speeches on key words of those narratives. The narratives on Serbian disunity are (...) then related to their historical and social contexts, and to various forms of identity politics with which they share common traits. The nineteenth century wars over political and cultural identity, intensified by the struggle between contesting claims to political authority, further channeled by the development of party politics in Serbia and radicalized by conflicts of interest and ideology together provided the initial reasons for the apparition of modern discourses on Serbian disunity and disaccord. Next, addressed are the uninnally solidifying or misinterpreting really existing social problems, or because of intentionally exploiting popular perceptions of such problems, the constructive potential related to existing social conflicts and splits can be completely wasted. What results is a deep feeling of frustration, and the diminishing of popular trust in the political elites and the political process in general. The contemporary hyperproduction of narratives on disunity and disaccord in Serbia seems to be directly related to the incapacity of the party system, and of the political system in general, to responsibly address, and eventually resolve historical and contemporary clashes of interest and identity-splits. If this vicious circle in which the consequences of social realities are turned into their causes is to be prevented, conflicts of interest must be discursively disassociated from ideological conflicts, as well as from identity-based conflicts, and all of them have to be disentangled from popular narratives on splits and disunity. Most important of all, the practice of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on disunity and disaccord has to be gradually abandoned. U radu se istrazuju istorijske i drustvene osnove narodskih prica o srpskom nejedinstvu i neslozi, kao i posledice njihove politicke instrumentalizacije. Paznja se prvo usmerava na ono sto se narodskim pricama o srpskom nejedinstvu i neslozi najcesce postize u svakodnevnoj komunikaciji. Narodskim pricama se, pre svega, ukazuje na pretpostavljeno nepromenljivo svojstvo srpskog identiteta. Njima se odredjuje i glavni uzrok poraza ili neuspeha, u kom slucaju one neretko prerastaju u jeremijade nad istorijskom sudbinom Srba. Najzad, nesloga se moze predstaviti i kao posledica jednog, ili citavog niza faktora, od mentaliteta ili kulture Srba, pa do tudjinske zavere. U sledecem segmentu rada, istrazuju se vidovi politickog instrumentalizovanja narodskih prica o neslozi i ne jedinstvu Srba, odnosno njihova upotreba kao ogleda, modela i velova. U prvom slucaju, politicki akter narodsko vidjenje stanja stvari koristi kao izgovor za svoje neuspehe, ili kako bi naglasio razlike izmedju sebe, svojih takmaca i pobornika. Narativi o neslozi omogucuju akteru i da usmerava publiku na zeljeni nacin, bilo da zeli da unese nove podele u grupu, zaostrava sukob vec postojecih frakcija i povezuje se sa nekom od njih, ili a uspostavlja izgubljeno jedinstvo grupe. Obe prethodne mogucnosti akter moze iskoristiti da bi obezbedio retoricki veo kojim ce prikriti svoje prave namere. Analiza se potom pomera ka ispitivanju istorijskih i drustvenih osnova prica o srpskom ne jedinstvu. Ratovi oko politickog identiteta iz sredine i druge polovine devetnaestog veka, pojacani trvenjima izmedju rivalskih pretenzija na politicki autoritet, dodatno usanceni razvojem stranackog sistema, i radikalizovani novim oblicima sukoba izmedju interesa, vrednosti i identiteta na pocetku dvadesetog veka, zajedno su uslovili razvoj narativa o srpskom ne jedinstvu i rascepima. Na takvu osnovu su se potom nadovezivali rascepi izazvani dinastickim, konfesionalnim ili nacionalnim razlikama, svi zajedno zacementirani iskustvima ratova i revolucija. Analiza se najzad pomera ka nenameravanim posledicama narodskih prica o srpskom ne jedinstvu i razlicitih oblika njihove politicke instrumentalizacije. Zbog pogresnog predstavljanja ili objasnjavanja stvarnih problem a, karakteristicnog za narodske price, a pogotovu zbog politicke zloupotrebe narodskih prica o tim problemima, konstruktivni potencijal vezan za drustvene konflikte i njihovu narativizaciju biva ozbiljno ugrozen. Sledi duboki osecaj frustracije i opadanje poverenja u politicke elite i politicki proces uopste. U zakljucku se skrece paznja na cinjenicu da je savremeno umnozavanje narodskih prica o srpskom ne jedinstvu, kao i prakse njihove politicke instrumentalizacije, povezano sa nesposobnoscu srpskog partijskog sistema i politickog sistema uopste da se odgovorno suoci sa, a pogotovu da razresi splet istorijskih i savremenih sukoba interesa i identitetskih rascepa koji su izvoriste narodskih prica. (shrink)

Kritičko čitanje Alchourrónove i Bulyginove skupovnoteorijske defnicije normativnoga sustava pokazuje da njegova deduktivna zatvorenost nije neizbježno svojstvo. Slijedeći von Wrightovu pretpostavku da aksiomi standardne deontične logike opisuju svojstva savršenoga normativnog sustava, uvodi se algoritam za prevođenje iz modalnoga u skupovnoteorijski jezik. Prijevod nam otkriva da plauzibilnost pojedinih metanormativnih načela leži na različitim osnovama. Koristeći se metodološkim pristupom koji prepoznaje različite aktere u normama upravljanome međudjelovanju, pokazuje se da su metanormativna načela obveze drugoga reda upućene različitim ulogama. Poseban slučaj jest zahtjev (...) koji se odnosi na deduktivnu zatvorenost jer se pokazuje da je upućen ulozi koja primjenjuje, a ne onoj koja izdaje norme. Pristup je primijenjen i na slučaj čiste derogacije, što dovodi do novoga rezultata; svojstvo neovisnosti biva svojstvom savršenoga normativnog sustava u odnosu na moguću derogaciju. Ovaj članak na polemički način dodiruje nekoliko točaka iznesenih u Kristanovome nedavnom članku. (shrink)

Text se zabývá Latourovým pojetím překladu. Poukazuje na některé epistemologické problémy, které vyplývají ze zohledňování překladu jako předmětu zájmu. Tyto problémy lze redukovat na otázku, zda se na výsledné podobě překladu podílí jen poznávající subjekt, nebo také studovaná skutečnost. Podle způsobu řešení této otázky lze rozlišit mezi lingvistickým a nelingvistickým přístupem. Latourovu snahu o systematičtější vymezení překladu lze chápat jako odklon od lingvistické tradice ve prospěch nelingvistických forem podílejících se na vymezení programu epistemologického obratu. V textu jsou v tomto směru (...) diskutovány především problémy redukcionismu, asymetrie, zobecněné symetrie, aktérství a role badatele ve výzkumném procesu. V Latourově perspektivě tento proces není záležitostí fakticity, nýbrž ontologické politiky, v níž dochází k vyjednávání o tom, co činí svět reálným. (shrink)