In spite op compulsory voting, the number of non-voters increased at the last general elections in Belgium to 7.3 per cent. This evolution can largely be explained by demographic factors. The number of blank or invalid voters reaches nearly the same level. Concerning this form of political non-participation, we noticed considerable differences occur between the types of elections due to factors such as the importance and the proximity of the proper institution, the social distance between candidate and citizen and the (...) main issue of the elections.The analysis of both phenomena over time at the level of the individual voters based on surveys shows that electoral absenteeism is rather accidental, white blanc and invalid voting is more permanent. From the analysis of absenteeism and blanc and invalid voting emerge on the one hand socio-economic factors which jeopardize electoral participation in a direct or indirect way, and on the other hand, attitudes and behaviour reflecting political indifference, alienation and hostility. (shrink)

The management of conflicts in society is perhaps the main function of parliamentary systems. lts success, as estimated by the extent of problem-solving and by the limitation of conflict costs, has to be explainedby the mildness of the challenge to the system and/or by the strength of its response. Among the resources available to the system too little credit is given to the factional elements in political culture, especially to the ideology of the decision-makers. The most promising feature appears to (...) be the differentiation of the ideological space in which political conflict-managers have to operate.The ideological space of the membership of parliament is «differentiated» when it is pluridimensional, when none of these ideological dimensions attains dominating salience, and when the most sensitive political issues are located on different dimensions. The data from a comparative research project show that the Italian parliament with its notoriously weak conflict-management record, fails the first and crucial test: its ideological space is strongly unidimensional. The Swiss parliamentary system with its excellent record passes all the tests. Belgium features a pluridimensional space which is impaired by the dominating salience of one of its dimensions. Other aspects of this space can only partially compensate this weakness. This might contribute to explain the mixed record of political conflict-management in our country. (shrink)

This article is concerned with the relevance of the Left/Right continuum for the belgian voters.It shows the distribution of the voters along the Left/Right axis, and how the electorate in general and this of each party locate the parties on this axis.It compares also the case of Belgium with this of other countries.

This article examines the composition and the fragmentation of each belgian party's electorate, regarding the criteria of social class and religion/religious practice.It also uses the «index of relative party preference» to show the main implantation of the parties.

This article gives a first account of a survey conducted in Wallonia in May 1976, before the municipal elections.A specific survey was conducted in each town of more than 18.000 citizen.The complete sample is of ± 8000 persons. Comments are introduced on two type of questions : 1° thoseconcerning the relation of people with the municipality and 2° those concerning the electoral motivations.