Quantified structures as barriers for LF movement

Natural Language Semantics 4 (1):1-56 (1996)
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Abstract

In this paper I argue for a restriction on certain types of LF movement, which I call ‘wh-related LF movement’. Evidence comes from a number of wh-in-situ constructions in German, such as the scope-marking construction and multiple questions. For semantic reasons, the in situ element in those constructions has to move at LF to either a position reserved for wh-phrases, or even higher up in the structure. The restriction (the Minimal Quantified Structure Constraint, MQSC) is that an intervening quantified expression blocks this movement. In the case of every, the MQSC leads to an unambiguously distributive interpretation of the question. In the case of all other intervening operators, including negation, it leads to ungrammaticality

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Citations of this work

A Flexible Approach to Exhaustivity in Questions.Sigrid Beck & Hotze Rullmann - 1999 - Natural Language Semantics 7 (3):249-298.
Superlative Expressions, Context, and Focus.Yael Sharvit & Penka Stateva - 2002 - Linguistics and Philosophy 25 (4):453-504.
More Than Two Quantifiers.Shoichi Takahashi - 2006 - Natural Language Semantics 14 (1):57-101.

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References found in this work

Barriers.Noam Chomsky - 1986 - MIT Press.
Syntax and Semantics of Questions.Lauri Karttunen - 1977 - Linguistics and Philosophy 1 (1):3--44.
Questions in Montague English.Charles L. Hamblin - 1973 - Foundations of Language 10 (1):41-53.
An Investigation of the Lumps of Thought.Angelika Kratzer - 1989 - Linguistics and Philosophy 12 (5):607 - 653.

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