Don Isaac Abravanel (1437-1508) was a major historical figure during the waning of the Middle Ages. Statesman, diplomat, courtier, and financier, he was, at the same time, a scholar of encyclopedic learning, a philosopher, an exegete, a prolific author, a mystic, and an apocalyptist. In Abravanel, B. Netanyahu suggests, two long lines of tradition met and concluded: that of medieval Jewish statesmen and that of medieval Jewish philosophers. In what is both a biography and an exploration of Abravanel's thought (...) and influence, Netanyahu describes how Abravanel illuminated the grave crisis and profound transformation experienced by the Jewish people after the Spanish expulsion. First published in 1953, Don Isaac Abravanel has been out of print for several years. This new edition includes revisions in the text, notes, and bibliography. (shrink)

Don Isaac Abravanel (1437-1508) was a major historical figure during the waning of the Middle Ages. Statesman, diplomat, courtier, and financier, he was, at the same time, a scholar of encyclopedic learning, a philosopher, an exegete, a prolific author, a mystic, and an apocalyptist. In Abravanel, B. Netanyahu suggests, two long lines of tradition met and concluded: that of medieval Jewish statesmen and that of medieval Jewish philosophers. In what is both a biography and an exploration of Abravanel's thought (...) and influence, Netanyahu describes how Abravanel illuminated the grave crisis and profound transformation experienced by the Jewish people after the Spanish expulsion. First published in 1953, Don Isaac Abravanel has been out of print for several years. This new edition includes revisions in the text, notes, and bibliography. (shrink)

The current study aims to examine how the intense emotions experienced by different Israeli groups during the 2006 Second Lebanon War affected their perceptions of risk. Two weeks after the end of the war, a questionnaire was distributed among 205 people. Some were from the north and had been directly affected by the rocket attacks; others were from the center of Israel. The questionnaires, based on Lerner et al., measured emotions and perceived risk. The results show significant differences between those (...) living in the north and those in the center of Israel. As expected, people living in the north reported more emotional difficulties during the war, greater perceived risk, and more pessimism in comparison to the center group. Moreover, the results point to significant differences between Israeli Jews and Israeli Arabs regarding emotions and perceived risk. In addition, the study results show a positive relation between anger and perceived risk. (shrink)

Recent political developments leave liberal elites heartbroken. Why is it that the masses keep making poor, morally unacceptable, irrational choices? Among the many voices heard in this context, there are also those criticising those elites from the left. The elites, these voices imply, are guilty not just of past wrongs that have gotten us here, but also of patronising the masses right now, arrogantly failing to take seriously the masses and their concerns. I argue that such complaints – perhaps appearances (...) to the contrary notwithstanding – are every bit as patronising in their attitudes towards the masses they claim to respect, and proceed to discuss the question whether the elites should reason with the masses, or manage them. This practical discussion leads to more theoretical ones about justification and excuse in the public sphere, practical and epistemic reasons for belief, and ideal and non-ideal theory in political philosophy. (shrink)

The concept of vocal charisma has changed in the past decades from something that people have to something that people do, thereby stimulating research on how vocal charisma can be created and improved. Broadening the perspective on vocal charisma beyond the speaker’s performance itself to the context of the speech, we conducted acoustic-prosodic analyses of public speeches of two prominent Israelian politicians – Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz. The speech material consisted of 311–516 prosodic phrases per politician from the (...) election campaigns 2019–2020 and, crucially, was balanced so as to include an equal number of pre- and post-election speeches. Results show a superiority of Netanyahu over Gantz in almost all facets of vocal charisma, although Gantz caught up over time. Moreover, unlike Gantz, Netanyahu showed a strong adaptation of his vocal charisma patterns to before- and after-election contexts. Scrutinizing this versatility difference, an additional perception experiment with 42 listeners and excerpts from the two politicians’ speeches was carried out. Results show that Netanyahu’s speech excerpts were, unlike those of Gantz, mainly rated as more charismatic in those contexts in which they were performed. Gantz’ post-election speech excerpts, by contrast, were primarily rated as not fitting into that context, i.e., as unfolding their charisma better in a pre-election context. Moreover, listeners also rated Netanyahu as overall more charismatic than Gantz. The combined production and perception evidence suggests the relevance of context in the evaluation and interpretation of vocal charisma signals. (shrink)

Dünya genelinde yaşanan çatışmalarda dinî inanç ve değerlerin araçsal kullanımı, din ve şiddet konularının merkeze alındığı birçok tartışmaya kaynaklık etmektedir. Yapılan tartışmalar dinî inanç ve değerlerin şiddet içeren davranışlara neden olduğu varsayımı etrafında şekillense de din ve şiddet arasında var olan ilişki oldukça karmaşık bir yapıya sahiptir. Zira, dinsel geleneklerin merkezinde yer alan kutsal metinler, savaş ve şiddet içeren örnek ve sembollerin yanı sıra barış ve uzlaşı içeren taleplere de sahiptir. Başka bir ifade ile dinî gelenekler, tarihî süreç içerisinde hem (...) temel ahlaki değerlerin hayata geçirilmesi hem de barışçıl tutumların benimsenmesinde ilham verici bir kaynak olarak hizmet etmişlerdir. Diğer taraftan insanlık tarihinin en kötü örnekleri de dinî inanç ve değerler ile bağlantılıdır. Tarihî kayıtlar, din adına yapılan savaşlarda binlerce insanın hayatını kaybettiğine ve bir o kadarının da doğrudan ya da dolaylı şiddete maruz kaldığına işaret etmektedir. Öyleyse kutsal metinlerde yer alan herhangi bir pasajdan ya da geçmişte yaşanmış olumlu ya da olumsuz herhangi bir örnekten hareketle dinî inanç ve değerlerin bütünüyle savaşa veya barışa hizmet ettiğini söylemek gerçekçi bir tutum olmayacaktır. Bununla beraber Amerika’da gerçekleşen 11 Eylül saldırıları dinsel şiddet konusunda farklı görüşlerin öne sürülmesine neden olmuştur. İronik bir şekilde 2001’de dinî terörizm ile mücadele kararı alan Amerika’nın dinî inanç ve değerleri şiddetin meşrulaştırılmasında bir araç olarak kullanması, 11 Eylül’ün benzer saldırılar için bir arketip olarak kullanılmasına zemin oluşturmuştur. Zira Müslüman olduğu iddia edilen on dokuz kişinin kaçırdığı dört uçağın Dünya Ticaret Merkezi’ne yapılan saldırı için kullanılması sadece dinsel şiddet tartışmalarının İslâm ve Müslümanlar üzerinden yapılmasına neden olmamış aynı zamanda İslâm coğrafyasının yeniden şekillenmesine neden olacak askeri ve siyasi kararların alınmasına da zemin oluşturmuştur. Bu saldırı neticesinde dinsel terör örgütlerine karşı harekete geçtiğini iddia eden George W. Bush, verilen mücadeleyi şeytani güçlere karşı Haçlı Seferi olarak yorumlayarak Afganistan ve Irak’ta on binlerce insanın ölmesi ile sonuçlanan askerî operasyonları başlatmıştır. Benzer şekilde 7 Ekim 2023 tarihinde gerçekleşen saldırıları Yeşaya kehaneti üzerinden temellendiren Binyamin Netanyahu, 7 Ekim olaylarını İsrail’in 11 Eylül’ü olarak niteleyerek kadın-erkek, genç-yaşlı ayrımı yapılmaksızın binlerce sivilin ölmesine neden olmuştur. Yaşanan çatışmalar her ne kadar teopolitik, ekonomik ya da kültürel nedenlere dayansa da şiddetin meşrulaştırılmasında din dilinin kullanılması kanaatimizce din ve şiddet konusu ile ilgili tartışmaların araştırılmasını gerektirmektedir. Bu nedenle dinsel şiddet tartışmaları bağlamında ele alınan bu çalışmada genel bir değerlendirme yapılması amaçlanmıştır. Konu incelenirken önce 11 Eylül saldırılarından günümüze dinsel şiddet tartışmaları ile ilgili farklı bakış açıları üzerinde durulmuş daha sonra monoteist geleneğe ait kutsal metinlerde yer alan şiddet ifadelerinin tarihî süreç içerisinde farklı şekillerde yorumlandığına dikkat çekilerek dinsel olarak nitelenen şiddet eylemlerinin çok sayıda ve karmaşık nedenlere dayandığı gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Konu Yahudi, Hıristiyan ve İslâm gelenekleri üzerinden ele alınmış ve monoteist geleneğe ait dinî inanç ve değerlerin şiddete referans olarak gösterildiği örnekler ile sınırlandırılmıştır. Fenomenolojik bakış açısı ile ele alınan araştırmada dinsel olarak ifade edilen şiddet eylemlerinin belli amaçlar doğrultusunda kutsal metinlerin yeniden yorumlanması ve yeni yorumun idealleştirilmesi ile ilişkili olduğu görülmüştür. (shrink)

Isaiah Berlin, 1909-1997 John Edward Christopher Hill, 1912-2003 Rodney Howard Hilton, 1916-2002 Morris Keith Hopkins, 1934-2004 Thomas Peter Ruffell Laslett, 1915-2001 Geoffrey Marshall, 1929-2003 John Smith Roskell, 1913-1998 Isaac Schapera, 1905-2003 Judah Benzion Segal, 1912-2003 John Cyril Smith, 1922-2003 Richard Arthur Wollheim, 1923-2003.

This paper studies dialogicity in posts and their comments. Focusing on political slogans in the Facebook page of Israel PM Binyamin Netanyahu, we examine the ways comments meta-represent the posts in various degrees of resemblance. Starting with the premise that comments/post interactions are dialogic in the Bakhtinian sense, we argue that comments are dialogic in yet another way, which is related to the form and degree of resemblance between them. The conceptualization draws on the notion of meta-representation supplemented by (...) insights gained from accommodation theory and Bakhtin’s dialogism. We argue that through resemblance, the propositional content, ideology and viewpoint conveyed by the initiating slogan are incorporated in the comment, and a tacit dialogue is constructed between them. An additional layer of polyphony is added to the multiplicity of ratified voices otherwise manifest in the interaction between separate posts and comments. (shrink)

The concept of vocal charisma has changed in the past decades from something that people have to something that people do, thereby stimulating research on how vocal charisma can be created and improved. Broadening the perspective on vocal charisma beyond the speaker’s performance itself to the context of the speech, we conducted acoustic-prosodic analyses of public speeches of two prominent Israelian politicians – Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz. The speech material consisted of 311–516 prosodic phrases per politician from the (...) election campaigns 2019–2020 and, crucially, was balanced so as to include an equal number of pre- and post-election speeches. Results show a superiority of Netanyahu over Gantz in almost all facets of vocal charisma, although Gantz caught up over time. Moreover, unlike Gantz, Netanyahu showed a strong adaptation of his vocal charisma patterns to before- and after-election contexts. Scrutinizing this versatility difference, an additional perception experiment with 42 listeners and excerpts from the two politicians’ speeches was carried out. Results show that Netanyahu’s speech excerpts were, unlike those of Gantz, mainly rated as more charismatic in those contexts in which they were performed. Gantz’ post-election speech excerpts, by contrast, were primarily rated as not fitting into that context, i.e., as unfolding their charisma better in a pre-election context. Moreover, listeners also rated Netanyahu as overall more charismatic than Gantz. The combined production and perception evidence suggests the relevance of context in the evaluation and interpretation of vocal charisma signals. (shrink)

In 2019–2020, Israel went through three consecutive elections in less than a year on grounds of alleged corruption by Prime Minister Netanyahu, and his lack of ability to form a coalition. This study aims to contribute to analyses of the media mobilization/malaise effect by examining the impact of such a prolonged period of campaigning on citizens’ political behavior. Thus, we conducted six online surveys using a longitudinal sample of Israeli society before and after each election. The analysis found that, (...) despite participants’ testimonies that they were increasingly “tired of dealing with elections,” there was a significant increase in participants’ reported certainty in their vote, news consumption, participation in online political discussions, and level of political efficacy between the elections. Next, a multivariate analysis aiming to explain variations in voters’ political efficacy found that political trust, participants’ reported certainty about their vote, and political interest all explained high levels of political efficacy. The analysis provides one of the strongest reinforcements to date regarding the validity of political mobilization theory, demonstrating its relevance under challenging conditions. We discuss further implications and generalizability of our findings. (shrink)