In the premises, the author analyses how the different historiographical trends concerning the Atlantic world have reduced the centrality of the State, and recent researches which focused on the processes of State-building and on the financial revolutions between the Seventeenth and the Nineteenth centuries. Within this frame, the essay outlines an Atlantic history of the foundation of the U.S. through a reading of the Report on Public Credit (1782) of Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finances, and some writings of Alexander Hamilton, (...) Secretary of the Treasury. The author argues that the institution of public debt and the foundation of the national bank constituted an adequate response not only to the need of State which characterized European history, but also to the capitalistic practices which marked European economies. The author underlines the continuity between the processes of State-building and the transition to capitalism in Europe and America in the age of the democratic revolutions. (shrink)

Taking into account the eclipse of the category of Nation-State in Atlantic and Trans-Atlantic history, the introduction discusses its new historical and analytical centrality in the age of globalization. The aim is not to provide a comparative analysis in a space larger than the European one, where the origin of the Nation-State is rooted, but to place the historical processes and the construction associated with them in a conceptual framework where States are not the only historical actors and their actions (...) and transformations can be understood only with reference to the social, economic and cultural relations which crisscross their borders. (shrink)

In the United States, the crisis broke out in 2008 launched a public debate on the decline of the middle class with peculiar historical references: from the Great Depression and the New Deal to the globalization of the Nineties, through the fractures imposed by the social movements of the Sixties and the neo-liberal turn of the Eighties. In the light of a debate in which the middle class emerges as an indisputable keyword of the American political cultures, the essay points (...) out the historical origin of the fetish of middle class by showing the role that US social sciences have had in the making of the middle class as an ideological notion at the very foundation of the American century. Released by its fetish, middle class emerges as a historical category that allows to trace the formation of the liberal order and its transition to the neoliberal order, to point to the crisis and transformation of capitalism and the American state, to identify the frontier beyond which their historical legitimacy is missing. (shrink)

Il saggio presenta il dibattito statunitense sulla new class quale categoria politica che ha fatto da perno all’ascesa del neoconservatorismo, alla scrittura pubblica del discorso dei neoconservatori – in particolare Daniel P. Moynihan e Irving Kristol – e alla loro strategia volta ad aggredire le fondamenta scientifiche e politiche dell’ordine liberal del capitalismo americano che fra anni Sessanta e Settanta non trovava più nella middle class la parola pubblica che aveva messo a riposo il conflitto sociale e politico degli anni (...) Trenta alimentando il consenso del secondo dopoguerra. Nel discorso neoconservatore, anche in dialogo con il neoliberalismo, new class individuava un «nemico ideologico» che andava disciplinato in favore del capitalismo ovvero educato al rispetto dell’autorità – della società e del suo fondamento morale, del mercato e delle sue gerarchie – che i movimenti sociali stavano contestando. (shrink)

On the occasion of the almost contemporary publication of two interesting books on Thomas Paine, SCIENZA & POLITICA has addressed the two authors – Matteo Battistini and Maurizio Griffo – with some questions about the different approaches of their works. The result is a long-distance dialogue, which explores not only the significance of the American revolutionary and constitutional events, but also the influence that the English legacy and the French revolutionary experience have exercised on the American political thinker. A Tale (...) of Two Paines handles the problem of its attribution either to liberalism or to democratic radicalism; it also faces the preoccupation with the defence of liberty in the historical reconstruction of the State in the light of the affirmation of the sovereignty of society. (shrink)