This paper argues that Kant’s distinction between “civil union” and “ethical community” can be of great value in dealing with a problem that causes considerable trouble in contemporary political and social philosophy, namely the question of the normative significance and role of religion in political and social life. The first part dwells upon the third part of Kant`s Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason with the intention of exposing the general features of ethical community. It highlights the fact that (...) Kant considers publicity, and indeed public authority, to be constitutive of the ethical community. The second part discusses his argument that we have a unique ethical duty to enter into an ethical community. This discussion clarifies the constitutive purpose of ethical community and sets forth why Kant thought that the ethical community should have a religious form. The third part presents an account of the constitutive purpose of the state in light of the Doctrine of Right. Throughout these steps, as is concluded, the essentials of a model for the relations between law, ethics, and religion emerge, which shows the way in which both religious and secularist worries can be met on a principled basis. (shrink)

This essay examines two dominant traditions in legal philosophy, the natural law theory and legal positivism, in terms of how they account for the normativity of law. I argue that, although these two traditions generally take the question of the normativity of law seriously and try to account for it, they are not successful in doing so. This failure in the prevailing literature on the philosophy of law, I suggest, nevertheless has an implicit reconstructive impact: the insights into the failure (...) of natural law theory and legal positivism imply an alternative philosophical framework that may provide a positive answer to the question of the normativity of law. (shrink)

This paper claims that a particular interpretation of Kant`s legal-political philosophy, as it is presented in his Doctrine of Right, provides us with the much needed resolution to the question of the normativity of law, precisely because it brings in a perspective that avoids both positivism and ethicism. This particular interpretation follows a strategy of argumentation that I call the “argument for the intrinsic normativity of law”, i.e., the argument that law is defined and justified on its own grounds, without (...) any need to refer to ethics, or rational/enlightened self-interest. This argument highlights the concept of legal person with the innate right to freedom as the necessary presupposition of legal practices, and sets forth a fundamental sense of justice inherent to the concept of law that consists in the reciprocal recognition of legal personality. In the end, I come up with a distinctive conception of law that I formulate as a last resort of normativity in the face of a conflict wherein an ethical solution does not appeal to all parties. (shrink)

This special volume of Public Reason consists of the papers developed out of the delegates` presentations in two subsequent ECPR Summer School on Methods in Normative Political Theory/Philosophy at Keele University organized in 2014 and 2015. They reflect the diversities of the problems and the richness of the discussions concerning the methodologies in contemporary philosophy, as they were discussed deeply in the foregoing events. In other words, they well illustrate the multi-layered and multi-dimensional problems of the contemporary political theory.

Human rights are conceived moral response of humanity to the experiences of gross violations of human rights. Yet, almost in every case we come across with such violations, we also witness a common and disturbing tendency to overshadow the arguments from human rights. Hence, human rights are not able to fulfill the very function we expect of them in the most pertinent cases. In our view, this is because of the mindset of the “political” that competes with the mindset of (...) human rights for guiding human practices. This paper evaluates these two mindsets so as to show how spoiling impacts the mindset of the “political” has against the standpoint of human rights. We will then conclude that, if we are to hold out on the triumph of “the political” over human rights in the very cases, whereby we need appealing to human rights at most, we should renounce the main vestige of “the political” within international and national legal-normative frameworks. This vestige is principally the idea of “sovereignty”, which is the arch and peak concept of the mainstream political imaginary. (shrink)

It is a mark of our age that the long-standing relations between politics and religion founded long ago along the axis of liberal-democratic principles have turned out to appear problematical. Recently raised religious demands and movements put on the agenda a common question: to what extent are such demands and movements compatible with the principle of the peaceful co-existence of diverse cultural forms, which is the essential reference point of any democratic imagination? It a cliché that fundamentalism understood as the (...) opposite of temperateness in holding and practically following up religious convictions constitutes the limit for tolerating religious demands and movements within liberal-democratic regimes. Such a quantitative distinction between fundamentalism and “moderate” forms of religiosity paradoxically work out for the increase of tension between religiosity and democratic political life, because it implies that non-fundamentalist forms of religiosities are indeed “diluted” forms, while fundamentalist forms represent genuine and uncompromising loyalty to the religious creed. This paper investigates the possibility of making a qualitative distinction between fundamentalist and non-fundamentalist forms of religiosity by employing the categorical duality between zealotry and piety, which can then serve as the criterion for the acceptability of religious demands and movements within democratic political spheres. (shrink)

This paper instigates a discourse on the unplanned effects of intelligent agents in the context of their use on the Internet. By utilizing a social informatics framework as a lens of analysis, the study identifies several unanticipated consequences of using intelligent agents for information- and commerce-based tasks on the Internet. The effects include those that transpire over time at the organizational level, such as e-commerce transformation, operational encumbrance and security overload, as well as those that emerge on a cultural level, (...) such as trust affliction, skills erosion, privacy attrition and social detachment. Furthermore, three types of impacts are identified: economic, policy, and social. The discussion contends that economic impacts occur on the organizational level, social effects transpire on a cultural level, and policy impacts take place on both levels. These effects of the use of intelligent agents have seldom been predicted and discussed by visionaries, researchers, and practitioners in the field. The knowledge of these unplanned outcomes can improve our understanding of the overall impacts that innovative agent technologies may potentially have on organizations and individuals. Subsequently, this may help us develop better agent applications, facilitate the formulation of appropriate contingencies, and provide impetus for future research. (shrink)

Mâturîdî’nin istidlâle verdiği önem bilinmektedir. Onun düşünce sisteminde istidlâle dayalı yorumlamanın ayrı bir yeri vardır. İstidlâli doğru haber ve sağlam duyularla birlikte bilgi edinmenin temel yolları arasında gören Mâturîdî’nin düşüncesinde istidlâlin bilgi edinme aracı olarak kullanılmasının reddi mümkün görünmemektedir. Zira istidlâli reddetmek için bile istidlâle ihtiyaç duyulurken, doğru haber ve duyulardan gelen bilginin test edilmesi için de gereken yine istidlâldir. Mâturîdî’ye göre insanlar için istidlâle dayalı yorumlamaya elverişli alanlar bulunmaktadır. Bu alanlarla ilgili istidlâller, genelde duyulur âlemden hareket ederek duyular ötesinin (...) bilgisine ulaşma şeklinde kurgulanır. O, istidlâllerini Allah’ın varlığı ve birliği, ahiretin varlığı, âlemin hudusü gibi konularda görüşlerini delillendirmek maksadıyla kullanmıştır. Bu alanların bilgisine duyulur âlemde elde edilen bilgilerin delâletiyle ulaşmak mümkündür. Ancak Mâturîdî’nin düşüncesinde kişinin olaylara bağlı olarak değişkenlik gösterebilen ruhî yapısı, kimi zaman onun istidlâlde bulunmasını engelleyebilir. İnat ve kibir bu türden ruhî durumlara örnektir. Çalışmamız; literatür taraması, karşılaştırma ve yorumlama yöntemleriyle işlenecektir. Mâturîdî’nin Kitâbü’t-Tevhid ve Te’vîlât, adlı eserleri bu yöntemlerle taranarak Mâturîdî’nin özellikle bu iki eseri çerçevesinde istidlâli hangi açılardan ele aldığı, görüşlerini temellendirirken ondan nasıl yararlandığı, istidlâlin kapsamını ve işlev alanlarını nasıl belirlediği gibi sorular etrafında şekillendirilecektir. (shrink)

Necip Fazıl Kısakürek, 20. Yüzyılın en önemli Türk şair ve düşünürlerinden biridir. İslami hareketin sembollerinden biri olmasına rağmen, popülaritesi sadece dindar kesimlerle sınırlı kalmamıştır. Ülke genelinde büyük bir üne kavuşmuş, farklı kültürel çevrelerden, değişik fikir akımlarına mensup hayranlara sahip olmuştur. Bu durum şairin ifadelerinin akıcılığı, edebi yeteneğinin gücü ve Türkçeyi hem şiir hem nesirde ustalıkla kullanmasından kaynaklanmaktadır. Onun velûd bir yazar niteliğiyle çok sayıda ürün vermiş olması yazdıklarının edebi değerini düşürmemiştir. Ayrıca gençliğinden beri farklı gazete ve dergilerde makaleler yazmıştır. Otuz (...) yılı aşkın bir süre "Büyük Doğu" mecmuasını yayımlamıştır. Aynı isimle bir yayınevi kurmuş ve yaklaşık yüz kitap neşretmiştir. Şair olarak divanlar yayımlamasının yanı sıra hikayeler, romanlar, piyesler telif etmiş, fikri, ahlaki ve siyasi yazılar yazmıştır. Otuz yaşına kadar “bohem” diye tavsif ettiği bir hayat sürmüş, ruhi boşluktan kurtulamamıştır. Sonrasında bir vesileyle tanıştığı döneminin tanınan medrese alimi ve mutasavvıf Abdülhakim Arvasi’den etkilenmiştir. Böylece köklü bir fikri dönüşüm yaşamış, İslami dünya görüşünü benimsemiştir. Bu merhaleden sonra çok çeşitliliğe sahip edebi ürünlerinin tümünde inanç ve fikirlerini cesaretle savunmayı gaye edinmiştir. Muhalif bir kimlikle döneminin devlet ricaline alenen tenkitler yönetmekten çekinmemiştir. Bu uğurda ortaya koyduğu mücadele sebebiyle resmi kovuşturmalara maruz kalmış, defalarca hapis yatmıştır. Edebi faaliyetlerini, fikir kavgası niteliğinde icra etmiş, vefatına kadar da bu çizgisini sürdürmüştür. Tüm bu özellikleri birçok çevrede saygın bir mevkiye sahip olmasını sağlamıştır. Türk edebiyatındaki bu etkili konumuna rağmen Necip Fazıl, hala Arap okuyucusu tarafından nispeten bilinmemektedir. Arap araştırmacıların şaire dair teşekküre şayan değerli araştırmalar ve makaleler telif etmiş olmalarına rağmen eserleri henüz hak ettiği seviyede Arap okuyucusuna tanıtılabilmiş değildir. Burada Türkçeden Arapçaya tercüme faaliyetlerinin çok güçlü olmamasının etkisi akla gelebilir. Ancak başka Türk edebiyatçıların kitaplarının Arapçaya tercüme edildiği dikkate alındığında Necip Fazıl’ın eserleri özelinde bir eksiklikten bahsetmek yanlış olmaz. Her halükârda edebi eserleri Arapçaya çevirenler için yazarın ürünleri zengin bir servet mahiyetindedir. Biz de bu bağlamda Necip Fazıl’ın “Çile” adlı kitabından bazı şiirleri Arapça tahlil ederek manzum halde bu dile çevirdik. Manzumelerde klasik Arap şiiri kaidelerini dikkate aldık. Aynı şiirleri nesir olarak da çevirdik ve anlaşılmalarını kolaylaştırmak için kısa açıklamalar ekledik. Orijinal olduğunu düşündüğümüz bu çalışmamızla, Türk edebiyatı metinlerini Arapçaya çevirerek alana katkıda bulunanlar arasında yer almayı umuyoruz. (shrink)

İslam'daki manevi hayatın ve ahlaki değerlerin ismi olan tasavvuf, İslam düşünce tarihinde önemli bir yere sahiptir. Yerel ve evrensel birçok unsuru içinde barındıran bu akım, dinin maneviyat boyutunu ön olanda tutar. İslam toplumu, ruhi ve manevi değerlerin birçoğunu tasavvufa ve onun kurumsal ifadesi olan tarikatlara borçlu olduğu görülmektedir. Tasavvufun en önemli özelliklerinde birisi, bireyin gündelik hayatının akışına müdahil olmasıdır. Dinin bireyin dünyasına nüfuzu anlamına gelen dindarlık ise bireyin günlük dünyasının duygusal yönlerinde Sufizmin etkisiyle güçlü değişiklikler meydana getirmektedir. Bununla beraber (...) tasavvuf, bireysel dinginliğin yanı sıra toplumsal alanda kendini gerçekleştiren bir maneviyat hareketi olma özelliği taşır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, kendini dindar olarak tanımlayan öğrencilerin dine tasavvufa, tarikatlara ve rabıta olgusuna bakışını sosyolojik olarak analiz etmektir. Bundan dolayı, kendini dindar olarak tanımlayan bireylerin tasavvuf, tarikat ve rabıta olgularına yaklaşımlarına odaklanılmıştır. Bu çalışmanın temel tezi hem tasavvufun bireyin hayatını değiştirdiği hem de bazı olumsuzluklarına rağmen dindar öğrencilerin tasavvufa olumlu yaklaştıklarıdır. Tasavvuf, bireyin dünyasında dinin derinleşmesine katkı sunmaktadır. Nitel verilere dayanarak yapılan, Tekirdağ Namık Kemal Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi’nde okuyan ve kendini dindar olarak tanımlayan öğrencilerle gerçekleştirilen mülakat verilerinin analizine dayanan bu makale, tasavvufun gündelik hayat içindeki varlığını tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır. İki ana bölümden oluşan bu makalenin ilk bölümünde toplumsal bir aktör olarak tasavvuf ile beraber gündelik hayatın sosyolojisine, ikinci bölümde de Tekirdağ Namık Kemal Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi dördüncü sınıfta okuyan dindar öğrencilerle yapılan mülakat verilerine odaklanılmıştır. Sonuç bölümünde ise tasavvuf, tarikat, rabıta ile beraber tasavvufi yaşamın gündelik hayata etkisi değerlendirilmiştir. Sonuç olarak yerel ve evrensel unsurları içinde barındıran tasavvuf, hem dinin etkisini artırarak bireyin dindarlaşmasına hem de ahlaklı bir toplumun oluşmasına katkı sunmaktadır. Tasavvuf kökenli dini grupların bazı ritüellerine karşı çıkmakla beraber tasavvuf olgusuna olumlu yaklaşan öğrencilere göre tasavvufun bireyin gündelik hayatında sağlamış olduğu temel katkı, dinin pratik ve ritüel boyutunu da içeren ahlak alanındadır. Bundan dolayı tasavvuf, ahlaki eylemler üzerinden toplumsal ve bireysel hayata etki etmekte ve bireyin eylem dünyasını biçimlendirmektedir. Bu bağlamda öğrencilerin nazarında tasavvuf merkezli dini grupların etkili ve meşru olmalarının sebebi, ahlakın merkezde olduğu bir dinselliği görünür kılmalarıdır. Bunun yanı sıra hem eğitim-öğretim sistemi hem de İlahiyat fakültelerindeki eğitim, sadece öğretimi esas aldığı ve pratiği dışarıda bıraktığı için eleştirilmektedir. Bu bağlamda bilgi ile eylemi harmanlayan yeni bir eğitim anlayışına olan ihtiyacın varlığı ortaya çıkmıştır. (shrink)

The article provides an overview of the Bektashi tariqa, holding a unique position in the Sufi teachings of Islam, founded by Haji Bektash-i Veli in the 13th century in the territory of Anatolia, which then spread to the nearby region. The study also covers the poetic concept that poets of this tariqa have been forming for centuries. Along with the changing ideology, subjected to a number of influences (such as the Shiite madhhab and the teachings of Hurufism) every once in (...) a while, the article analyzes the approach, style, narrative, as well as the development of the theme and content in the literature of Bektashi. As the main subject of the study, the general information was provided about the life and literary activity of the famous poets who lived and created during the first and second stages of Bektashi literature, samples of their poetry are considered and a comparison is made between them in several aspects, thus their similarities and differences are shown. Along with the remarks on the poetic concepts common to the poets such as Yunus Emre, Abdal Musa, Kaygusuz Abdal, Seyid Imadaddin Nasimi, Shah Ismail Khatai, Pir Sultan Abdal, Gul Hummat, Ruhi Baghdadi, and Mahammad Fuzuli, as well as the environment and the schools of thought, they were influenced by, the article provides examples of their poems on the subject, reveals both the semantic orientation of the poems and the pattern of description of the mystical and philosophical views expressed. In addition, the parallels were drawn in terms of different attitudes to mystical motives in Bektashism both at certain stages of Bektashi literature and in the works of the above-mentioned poets representing this literature. Conclusions and general opinion on the subject are reflected widely through the example. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Book Reviews Zoroaster's Influence on Anaxagoras, the Greek Tragedians, and Socrates. By Ruhi Muhsen Afnan. (New York: Philosophical Library, 1969. Pp. 162. $5.00) Of the author's Zoroaster's Influence on Greek Thought a striking flaw was the misleading rifle. In this earlier volume not one example of Zoroastrian impact was pointed out to corroborate the claim. Now, in the preface to the new work, the author discloses that the (...) original title had merely been "Zoroaster and the Trend of Greek Thought" and that the publishers changed it into "Zoroaster's Influence" etc. "to give the book a more attractive heading" (p. 9). This fiat of the publishers, however, was then gratefully felt by the author a~ a "challenge.... prodding" him to the "venture" (cf. p. 10) of attempting to substantiate (what was before just his belief) "that the illumination vouchsafed by Zoroaster generated the Enlightenment attributed to the Periclean Age of Athens" (p, 12) and to demonstrate, for instance, an ostensible basic similarity between the pfiilosophy of Anaxagoras and the teachings of Zoroaster. This venturous attempt fills six long chapters supposed to show that "Medism," or Zoroastrianism, was the great spiritual power menacing the autochthonous Athenian values, and that Anaxagoras and his circle and Aeschylus, Euripides, Socrates, and Thucydides essentially were propagandists of Zoroastrianism who undermined the pagan culture of Athens. True, the general presentation of Medism and its role in the spiritual struggle of the Periclean Age is sometimes thrillingly interesting reading. Yet, for us the main question is: Has the author succeeded in his attempt? There are prerequisites of such an undertaking. Thorough and first-hand knowledge of both sides of the topic is indispensable, in the first place. To question the historical authenticity of a modern believer's presentation of Zoroastrianism might seem improper. But it should still be permitted sharply to distinguish between the official traditional version and the results of recent serious research. The other side of the topic is concerned with those who, according to the author's claim, were downright prophets of Zoroastrianlsm. Whether this holds true of Aeschylus and Euripides, whether, for instance, really all the dramatis personae of Euripides' Ion were meant as nothing, but symbolizations of the antagonistic spiritual powers of Medism and Athenianism, this to discuss, and perhaps to doubt, is up to literary analysts. But two of those alleged heralds are philosophers: Anaxagoras and Socrates. (Incidentally, what about Heraclitus and Empedocles?) Well, let us forget about Socrates. The "real" Socrates is such an intangible figure anyway that it would not make much sense to argue with any of the author's allegations about him. In the presentation and "analysis" of the philosophy of Anaxagoras, however, the decisive shortcomings come to the fore. The level of the author's general philosophical training is not quite equal to the task. Conceptual haziness, confusion [469] 470 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY of fundamental notions (e.g.,"creator" and "demiurge") are omnipresent. Sometimes even a confusion happens of Anaxagoras with Democritus when the "atom" is ascribed to Anaxagoras (p. 48). And the author does not seem to feel the fatal inadequacy of merely second-hand knowledge. While he in longura et latum argues with Aristotelian presentations and misrepresentations of Anaxagorean tenets, there is good reason for the suspicion that he might never have read even one authentic sentence written by Anaxagoras himself. For those interested in general cultural history, this book, the religious diatribe of a modem Zoroastrian believer, is very worthwhile reading. For the historian of philosophy, itis of rather modest value. P-~LIX M. CLEVE New School for Social Research New York City The Esthetics of the Middle Ages. By Edgar De Bruyne. Trans. Eileen B. Hennessy. (New York: Frederick Uugar, 1969. Pp. viii+232. $6.50) This book has a very complex character. It is the English translation of a French work, L'Esth~tique du moyen dge,I which, in turn, is a one-volume abridged version by Edgar De Bruyne of his own original three-volume work, I~tudes d'Esth~tique M~di~vale.2 Thus, one may evaluate this book either as a translation or, presupposing the faithfulness and correctness of the translation itself... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Book Reviews Zoroaster's Influence on Anaxagoras, the Greek Tragedians, and Socrates. By Ruhi Muhsen Afnan. (New York: Philosophical Library, 1969. Pp. 162. $5.00) Of the author's Zoroaster's Influence on Greek Thought a striking flaw was the misleading rifle. In this earlier volume not one example of Zoroastrian impact was pointed out to corroborate the claim. Now, in the preface to the new work, the author discloses that the (...) original title had merely been "Zoroaster and the Trend of Greek Thought" and that the publishers changed it into "Zoroaster's Influence" etc. "to give the book a more attractive heading" (p. 9). This fiat of the publishers, however, was then gratefully felt by the author a~ a "challenge.... prodding" him to the "venture" (cf. p. 10) of attempting to substantiate (what was before just his belief) "that the illumination vouchsafed by Zoroaster generated the Enlightenment attributed to the Periclean Age of Athens" (p, 12) and to demonstrate, for instance, an ostensible basic similarity between the pfiilosophy of Anaxagoras and the teachings of Zoroaster. This venturous attempt fills six long chapters supposed to show that "Medism," or Zoroastrianism, was the great spiritual power menacing the autochthonous Athenian values, and that Anaxagoras and his circle and Aeschylus, Euripides, Socrates, and Thucydides essentially were propagandists of Zoroastrianism who undermined the pagan culture of Athens. True, the general presentation of Medism and its role in the spiritual struggle of the Periclean Age is sometimes thrillingly interesting reading. Yet, for us the main question is: Has the author succeeded in his attempt? There are prerequisites of such an undertaking. Thorough and first-hand knowledge of both sides of the topic is indispensable, in the first place. To question the historical authenticity of a modern believer's presentation of Zoroastrianism might seem improper. But it should still be permitted sharply to distinguish between the official traditional version and the results of recent serious research. The other side of the topic is concerned with those who, according to the author's claim, were downright prophets of Zoroastrianlsm. Whether this holds true of Aeschylus and Euripides, whether, for instance, really all the dramatis personae of Euripides' Ion were meant as nothing, but symbolizations of the antagonistic spiritual powers of Medism and Athenianism, this to discuss, and perhaps to doubt, is up to literary analysts. But two of those alleged heralds are philosophers: Anaxagoras and Socrates. (Incidentally, what about Heraclitus and Empedocles?) Well, let us forget about Socrates. The "real" Socrates is such an intangible figure anyway that it would not make much sense to argue with any of the author's allegations about him. In the presentation and "analysis" of the philosophy of Anaxagoras, however, the decisive shortcomings come to the fore. The level of the author's general philosophical training is not quite equal to the task. Conceptual haziness, confusion [469] 470 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY of fundamental notions (e.g.,"creator" and "demiurge") are omnipresent. Sometimes even a confusion happens of Anaxagoras with Democritus when the "atom" is ascribed to Anaxagoras (p. 48). And the author does not seem to feel the fatal inadequacy of merely second-hand knowledge. While he in longura et latum argues with Aristotelian presentations and misrepresentations of Anaxagorean tenets, there is good reason for the suspicion that he might never have read even one authentic sentence written by Anaxagoras himself. For those interested in general cultural history, this book, the religious diatribe of a modem Zoroastrian believer, is very worthwhile reading. For the historian of philosophy, itis of rather modest value. P-~LIX M. CLEVE New School for Social Research New York City The Esthetics of the Middle Ages. By Edgar De Bruyne. Trans. Eileen B. Hennessy. (New York: Frederick Uugar, 1969. Pp. viii+232. $6.50) This book has a very complex character. It is the English translation of a French work, L'Esth~tique du moyen dge,I which, in turn, is a one-volume abridged version by Edgar De Bruyne of his own original three-volume work, I~tudes d'Esth~tique M~di~vale.2 Thus, one may evaluate this book either as a translation or, presupposing the faithfulness and correctness of the translation itself... (shrink)