Dos corrientes principales dividen el debate sobre la relación entre Joaquín de Fiore, Pedro Alfonso de Huesca y la cábala judaica. Gershon Scholem firma la hipótesis de que el abad de Fiore y los cabalistas españoles del siglo XII, a la vez y sin conocerse, han producido trabajos similares. Esta hipótesis será parcialmente rechazada por una segunda que pone en evidencia algunos aspectos de la obra joaquinita derivados del filósofo judío-aragonés, converso al cristianismo, Pedro Alfonso de Huesca. Esta segunda hipótesis (...) permite afirmar que la explicación de la Trinidad asumida por Pedro Alfonso de acuerdo con el Tetragrama YHWH tomado del Secretum secretorum de los judíos fue incorporada por Joaquín de Fiore, y que utilizará especialmente en la composición de la Figura XIII – el Salterio de diez cuerdas, y de la Figura XI – los Tres círculos trinitarios del Liber Figurarum. Desde esta perspectiva, añadimos una tercera hipótesis: que la relación entre Joaquín de Fiore y la cábala, además de tener como punto de apoyo la explicación trinitaria de Pedro Alfonso, se refleja directamente en la confección de sus principales figurae. Y de forma complementaria, entendemos que la fuente que nutre Pedro Alfonso, e indirectamente la de Joaquín de Fiore –el llamado Secretum secretorum de los judíos– es una compilación de tres textos cabalistas principales: el Sefer Yetsirah, el Sefer al-Raziel y el Libro de Salomón. (shrink)

Of the many Schoolmen who read the pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum secretorum in the thirteenth century, none was more enthusiastic about this book than Roger Bacon. So highly did Bacon regard the Secretum that he prepared a redaction of the text, annotated it, and wrote an accompanying introductory treatise. Historians have long recognized the importance of Bacon's confrontation with the Secretum, but they have also misunderstood it. They have wrongly divided up Bacon's Secretum project between two widely (...) separated dates. They have left unasked the capital question of why Bacon undertook this project. More generally, they have fundamentally misjudged the place of the Secretum in Bacon's intellectual biography. Consequently, there are several distortions and gaps in the picture of Bacon's career currently circulating that deserve our critical attention. (shrink)

Thomas Bradwardine's theological treatise De Causa Dei provides a valuable source for late medieval views on the relationship between science and religion. Bradwardine, who can be seen as belonging in a tradition deriving from Roger Bacon, was strongly impressed by the impotence of human reason in dealing with an apparent infinitude of facts, and accordingly stressed both ancient authority and prophetic revelation as appropriate sources of scientific knowledge. Two particularly important ancient works for him were the pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum (...) class='Hi'>Secretorum and De Mundo. The latter led him to an arresting image of the universe as a magnetically driven clock. (shrink)

Scholars have long recognized that riddles were part of literary and intellectual culture in late-medieval England, and considerable effort has been expended to ponder a prominent handful of late-fourteenth-century writings in Latin and English that use them, including John Ergome's commentary on the Vaticinium of “John of Bridlington,” the seditious vernacular letters circulated during the Rising of 1381, and most famously Piers Plowman, all notorious for the use of peculiar and difficult riddles that flaunt their interpretative challenges and the social (...) power of their hermeneutical barriers. Comparatively vast gaps, however, remain in our knowledge of the range, distinctive modes, and customary contexts of riddles in this period, so that the isolated uses of them that have been studied seem, in May McKisack's words about Piers Plowman, to speak “to us from a forgotten world, drowned, mysterious, irrecoverable.”. (shrink)

W powieściach Officium Secretum. Pies pański Marcina Wrońskiego i Agent Jego Świątobliwości Karola Kowala bohaterami pierwszoplanowymi są „nietypowi duchowni”. Owa „nietypowość” zasadza się na tym, że dominikanie – ojciec Marek Gliński i ojciec Władysław Klonowiejski – zostali wykreowani przez twórców na agentów tajnych służb watykańskich. W odróżnieniu od innych postaci duchownych z kart literatury najnowszej nie pełnią oni funkcji typowo kościelnych, pastoralnych, lecz są duchownymi-tajniakami. Protagonista z dzieła Wrońskiego to zakonny James Bond, który zwerbowany do Officium Secretum, czyli (...) wewnętrznej służby kościelnej będącej spadkobierczynią Inkwizycji, w okresie PRL służył Kościołowi jako podwójny agent (został funkcjonariuszem Służby Bezpieczeństwa). Agentem specjalnym jest także ojciec Klonowiejski. W książce Kowala jawi się on jako wszechstronnie wyszkolony wywiadowca Świętego Przymierza, który podróżuje przez dziewiętnastowieczną Europę w celu unieszkodliwienia agenta o pseudonimie „Haman”. Czy osadzenie bohaterów w habitach w przestrzeni występku oraz wszelkiego rodzaju zbrodni należy uznać za kontrowersyjną koncepcję artystyczną? Wnikliwa analiza dzieł Wrońskiego i Kowala pozwala na stwierdzenie, że w tym przypadku – podobnie jak w innych powieściach z kapłanem w roli głównej napisanych w ostatnich dwóch dekadach – nie można mówić o desakralizacji kapłaństwa czy chęci niszczenia autorytetu Kościoła. Kreacje zakonników należy uznać za swoisty znak czasów współczesnych, w których zmniejszenie dystansu między przedstawicielami Kościoła hierarchicznego i wiernymi sprawił, że duchowni poznawani są i oceniani za działalność także poza sferą sacrum. W Officium Secretum i Agencie Jego Świątobliwości „niecodzienna” aktywność bohaterów w habitach jest pretekstem do ujawniania przez twórców nie tylko spraw eklezjalnych – tajemnic działania instytucji kościelnych – ale także mechanizmów działania instytucji państwowych oraz istotnych problemów życia politycznego i społecznego. (shrink)

In the modern age, the political secret has acquired a bad reputation. With modern democracy’s ideal of transparency, political secrecy is identified with political crime or corruption. The article argues that this repression of secrecy in modern democracies falls short of a substantial understanding of the structure and workings of political secrecy. By outlining a genealogy of political secrecy, it elucidates the logic as well as the blind spots of a current culture of secrecy. It focuses on two fundamental logics (...) of secrecy, deduced from the Latin terms ‘ arcanum’ and ‘ secretum’. Whereas the logic of arcanum regards secrecy as a legitimate dimension of government, a modern logic of secretum is marked by an inextricable dialectics between the withdrawal and communication of knowledge, between secrecy and publicity. Here, the secret is not so much a piece of withheld knowledge as a ‘secrecy effect’ that binds the realm of secrecy to the public sphere by a dialectics of permanent suspicion and scandal. Instead of falling into the trap of this ‘secrecy effect’ it is worth taking a closer look at the tradition of thought on the arcana imperii, from Tacitus to early modern doctrines of raison d’état to Carl Schmitt. What this tradition deals with is the functionality of secrecy and its complicated relation to the law. The arcana tradition elaborates the crucial point of secrecy: its potential, but also its profound ambivalence. Secrecy opens up a discretionary space of action exempt from the rule of law, and, according to Carl Schmitt, ignores the law so as to allow it to become effective. Secrecy serves to protect and stabilize the state, but at the same time it opens a space of exception from the rule of law that breeds violence, corruption and oppression. Instead of seeing secrecy as the opposite of a political culture of transparency, it is more productive to regard secrecy as transparency's complement – a counterpart, however, that is marked by the profound paradox of being both a consolidation of and a threat to democracy. (shrink)

Thomas Hoccleve wrote his Regement of Princes in 1411 and addressed it to the patronage of Henry, Prince of Wales, who was to succeed to the throne as Henry V two years later, on the death of his father, Henry IV. The Regement is a book of the governance of princes, drawn from the De regimine principum of Aegidius Romanus and from other similar works including the Secreta secretorum, which purports to be a compendium of Aristotle's advice on kingship (...) to Alexander the Great. Like these works, Hoccleve's Regement lays out a series of unexceptionable moral principles that should guide a prince's behavior: the prince is exhorted, for instance, to be prudent, just, liberal, and receptive to counsel. These recommendations are supported with citations from biblical and classical authorities and a wealth of narratives exemplary of kingly and unkingly conduct. Princes were to look in such books as in a mirror, and there see displayed the image of what they should truly be. They were “Mirrors for Princes.” Princes welcomed them and on occasion commissioned them, not because they specially desired to have instruction in the business of government from clerks, nor because they would much appreciate being told things they did not wish to hear, but because it was important that they should represent themselves as receptive to sage counsel. They are not simply political public relations exercises but, equally, they are not “books of instruction.”. (shrink)

The map of Jerusalem, which appeared in 1320 in Marino Sanudo's book, Liber secretorum fidelium crucis, has no obvious precursor, though it draws on textual sources from the works of Josephus to the thirteenth-century description of the Holy Land by Burchard of Mt. Sion. Surrounded by an irregular polygon of walls, the city is mapped in a style similar to the other maps in the book, drawn by the sea-chart maker Pietro Vesconte. These maps emphasize the contemporary, physical reality (...) of an area, the Holy Land, often seen through a romantic veil. Sanudo's book was a plea for the revival of the crusading movement and a programme of practical suggestions for its success. Of special interest on the map is the depiction of the city's water resources, important to future Crusaders. (shrink)

8. Eckhart's why and Heidegger's what: beyond subjectivistic thought to groundless ground -- I -- II -- III -- Notes -- 9. Meister Eckhart's speculative grammar: a foreshadowing of Heidegger's Der Satz vom Grund? -- A problem of expression -- Language in modism -- Spiral-vortex metaphor -- Concluding remarks -- Notes -- 10. Pay attention!: exploring contemplative pedagogies between Eckhart and Heidegger -- Paying attention -- The paradox of intention -- Intended attention -- Conclusion -- Notes -- PART IV: Re-readings (...) and new boundaries -- 11. Mysterium secretum et silentiosum: praying the apophatic self -- The secret prayer of apophasis -- Breaching the silent sanctuary in Fear and Trembling -- Exteriority and interiority: the scandal of self and other -- Praying the apophatic self -- Notes -- 12. Becoming mystic, becoming monster: the logic of the infinite in Kierkegaard, Cusa and Deleuze -- Kierkegaard: thinking the unthinkable -- Cusa: the repetition of unity -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 13. Non-philosophical immanence, or immanence without secularization -- I Immanence and philosophy -- II Eckhart's unrestrained immanence -- III Non-philosophical immanence -- Notes -- 14. 'Not peace but a sword': Žižek, Dionysius and the question of ancestry in theology and philosophy -- The sins of the fathers: the congenital disorders of Christian-Neoplatonism -- Unto the third and fourth generation: Žižek and the mutation of Christian inheritance -- Conclusion: miscegenous liaisons -- Notes -- Index. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 62.3 (2001) 401-423 [Access article in PDF] Petrarch and the Genealogy of Asceticism W. Scott Blanchard The morality of thought lies in a procedure that is neither entrenched nor detached. --Theodor Adorno Perhaps no author within or outside of the canon of Western literature wrote as extensively on the topic of solitude as did Francesco Petrarch. While many of our modern associations with (...) the term may find some of their origins traceable as far back as Petrarch's career, the term "solitude" carried with it much different associations in his century than it does for us today, influenced as we are by the Romantic tradition and especially by Wordsworth's absorption with the idea of solitude as an ideal state for self-conscious reflection on the individual's personal history and its meaning. No less than three of Petrarch's major prose works--the De otio religioso, the De vita solitaria, and the Secretum--confront the topic of solitude directly, and we can also point to many letters, poems, and portions of his treatises that either directly or indirectly reflect Petrarch's virtual obsession with solitude. In Petrarch we are confronted with an author who was at once the most politically connected intellectual of his century--we are even tempted to call him a "public intellectual"--and yet who constantly invoked his desire for solitude, for an escape from the many distractions and seductions that the cities and courts of his society offered. For Petrarch these were invariably places where desire lurked and power held sway, so that the life of solitude was often invoked as an alternative--a counter-cultural locus, perhaps--where freedom from temptation and subjection was imagined as an escape from the negotium of worldly life. There is much in Petrarch's writings on the solitary life that is wishful and that we might characterize as merely compensatory in a life that was otherwise quite active and engaged, but there is also a [End Page 401] strain of thought in these works that indicates a certain intransigence beneath Petrarch's overdetermined attachment to the idea, if not the practice, of withdrawal and detachment. An inquiry into Petrarch's idealization of the solitary life may even yield a somewhat reactionary aspect of his complex mind, a conservative strain in an author who was in almost every other way the literary herald of a humanism that was at the center of the cultural avant-garde of the Trecento. Is the Petrarch that in so many accounts of his character is construed as the "first modern man" actually something else, a reluctant ascetic holdover from the Middle Ages? How did Petrarch use his unique understanding of the life of solitude, of ascesis, as a pose from which to construct his sense of himself as an author and intellectual? Or are we simply confronted in the figure of a worldly and an ascetic Petrarch with yet another set of contradictions so appropriate to the "immensely complex" author whose poetic signature was the oxymoron? 1"Asceticism" and "solitude" are of course not synonymous terms, but any examination of a number of Petrarch's works as they fall within what might be called a genealogy of asceticism must recognize from the start that Petrarch's brand of asceticism was somewhat unique, especially insofar as it was deeply influenced by ancient Stoicism as well as by his reading in authors from the early Christian era. The most useful expression for our purposes may be the medieval concept of the "contemplative life," since much of the analysis in what follows will focus on how Petrarch often used his self-proclaimed pose of detachment and withdrawal as a technique for carrying on what were otherwise quite engaged dialogues with those worldly formations of power and authority that are normally conceived of as belonging to the "active" sphere of human existence. 2 For despite Petrarch's participation in or association with a number of political and civic ventures during his long and productive career, he likely never would have freely chosen... (shrink)

Edith Stein, an outstanding representative of the Catholic intellectual renaissance of the first half of the last century, was a “charter” member of the phenomenological school around Edmund Husserl and made key contributions to the renewed study of St. Thomas Aquinas. From a Jewish background, she entered the Catholic church and then the Carmelite order; when asked why she became a Catholic she would reply in Latin “secretum meum mihi”. I suggest, using her characteristic concepts such as “being objective” (...) and “undergoing”, why she wished to “fuse” phenomenology and Thomism as well as how she defined the moral “weight” of daily circumstances and how she combined epistemology with Carmelite mysticism. Then with the help of St. John of the Cross, I offer an explanation of her “secret”. Finally I describe her history of recent philosophy. (shrink)