The present book is the result of the conference 'Renovatio, inventio, absentia imperii. From the Roman Empire to Contemporary Imperialism', held in Brussels at the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the Academia Belgica in Rome (September 11-13, 2014). At the heart of the conference was the 'reception', 'Nachleben' or 'permanence' of the Roman Empire, of an idea and a historical paradigm which since classical Antiquity has supported the most widespread claims to obtain and consolidate power. The volume's (...) focus is on culture in a broad sense, i.e. including besides the arts, philosophy, religion and, most importantly, discourse. As such, a wide array of themes are subjected to academic scrutiny. Whereas the main focus is on Europe and North America, some contributors also reach out towards non-Western contexts, whether or not directly related to the Roman example. A theoretical and sociological dimension is also added thanks to the discussion on methodological issues. More specifically, the following question(s) receive particular attention: what is our position as researchers, embedded in a contemporary, often Western, democratic and capitalist context; what about the notion of empire itself, its constituent elements and the kind of ideological prerogatives to which it is generally subjected; in other words, apart from the many historical variants and instances of reception of empire, through which filters can, and inevitably do, we approach this topic? A question that has become ever more pregnant since the beginning of the twenty-first century, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the events of September 11, which have revivified what could be called American 'imperialism', and at a time when an essentially economic variant, driven by 'emerging' powers such as China, has increasingly contested existing power structures."--Page [4] of cover. (shrink)

Jusqu'au IXe siècle, en Orient où l'Empire romain perdure comme en Occident où il n'existe plus, « l'Église » se pense et se vit sur le mode synodal, avec les nuances qu'apporte, ici, l'idéologie eusébienne, donnant le primat au « palais royal » sur le « siège apostolique », et, là, l'augustinienne, qui soutient l'inverse. Deux siècles plus tard, alors que l'Empire byzantin a cessé de prétendre à l'universalité romaine, la chrétienté latine occidentale ne rêve que de renovatio romani (...) imperii, à son bénéfice. Entre ces deux moments, il y a l'éphémère aventure de Gerbert d'Aurillac qui, après avoir défendu à Reims la cause des évêques contre le pape, devint, par la grâce d'Otton III, le pape de l'An Mil, Sylvestre II : c'était le nom que portait le pontife du temps de Constantin, auquel le nouvel empereur ne cesse de se référer, en souhaitant un empire moins germanique qu'universel. Ce dut être une grande joie, pour le pape, d'entendre Otton dire en 1001 : « Nous proclamons Rome capitale du monde et nous reconnaissons l'Église romaine comme mère de toutes les Églises. » Désormais, la communion n'est plus réglée par la lex communis ecclesiae catholicae, mais par 1'unius arbitrium et Sylvestre II parlera en « père universel », conscient d'exercer seul le ministère de Pierre. C'est dans ces fortes convictions que l'Église romaine affrontera la crise de la chrétienté des XIIIe-XIVe siècles. Up until the ninth century, when the Roman Empire continued in the East but ceased to exist in the West, « the Church » thought and lived in the synodal mode. The slight difference was that Eusebien ideology prevailed in the East, which gave primacy to the « royal palace » over the « apostolic seat », while Augustinien ideology held the contrary in the West. Two centuries later, when the Byzantine Empire ceased to pretend to Roman universality, western Latin Christianity dreamed only of the renewal of the Roman Empire, to its own advantage. Between these two moments, there was the ephemeral adventure of Gerbert of Aurillac who, after having defended the cause of the bishops against the pope at Reims, became pope Sylvester II in the year 1000, thanks to Otto III. Sylvester was the name of the pontiff at the time of Constantine, to whom the new emperor didn’t cease to compare himself in wishing an empire less Germanic than universal. It must have been a great joy for the pope to hear Otto say in 1001 : « We proclaim Rome the capital of the world and we recognize the Roman Church as mother of all the Churches. » In the future, communion was no longer regulated by the Catholic Church's common law, but by the unius arbitrium, and Sylvester II will speak as « universal father », conscious of exercising alone the ministry of Peter. It is with these strong convictions that the Roman Church would face the crisis of Christianity in the XIII and XIV centuries. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Millennium Jahrgang: 9 Heft: 1 Seiten: 299-342.

Как обретают историческую генеалогию феномены современной политики и идеологии? Чья память доминирует на многоуровневом имперском и постимперском пространстве и как обеспечивается это доминирование? Ответы на эти вопросы вы узнаете, прочитав книгу.

Entrevista com o Prof. Dr. Fabián Ludueña Romandini, a partir da Conferência proferida durante o Congresso Internacional Biopolíticas no Século XXI.

Statʹi, razmyshlenii︠a︡, ocherki -- Pisʹma v redakt︠s︡ii -- Perepiska s chlenami Soi︠u︡za svobodomysli︠a︡shchikh -- Pisʹma k M.I. Barskoĭ -- Perepiska mezhdu K.P. Krizhanovskim i I.G. Khusidom -- Iz materialov dela K.P. Krizhanovskogo.

In the digital historical sciences, research datasets are generally highly connected. Using the example of the digital ‘Regesta Imperii’, this article will show how these networked structures can be modelled and analysed with the help of graph databases. In order to achieve relevant results with these new research perspectives, it is essential to closely dovetail scientific research perspectives and digital methodology. Graph modelling is especially helpful here, allowing to clearly map the structures of the technical problem in the graph (...) in a way, understandable by the computer scientist. This serves as a solid basis for fruitful cooperation between digital humanities and medieval studies. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Nietzscheforschung Jahrgang: 21 Heft: 1 Seiten: 149-168.

Name der Zeitschrift: Byzantinische Zeitschrift Jahrgang: 107 Heft: 2 Seiten: 877-892.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie politycznej, gospodarczej i kulturowej roli chińskiego Wielkiego Kanału w świetle rękopisu _Historiae Sinarum Imperii _polskiego jezuity Tomasza Szpota Dunina (1644–1713), który przez ponad dwadzieścia lat badał archiwa rzymskie, poszukując informacji na temat działalności jezuitów w Chinach. Pośród licznych informacji o charakterze kulturowym, gospodarczym i etnograficznym rękopis Tomasza Szpota Dunina zawiera również wiadomości o obecnie najdłuższym na świecie sztucznym kanale transportowym, czyli chińskim Wielkim Kanale, który przez wielu badaczy jest uznawany za większy cud techniki niż (...) Mur Chiński. Do odtworzenia tytułowego zagadnienia wykorzystano głównie rękopis _Historiae Sinarum Imperii _oraz inne źródła drukowane i literaturę przedmiotu. Rękopis Tomasza Szpota Dunina zawiera rozproszone informacje dotyczące Wielkiego Kanału, miast położonych nad jego brzegami i samych okoliczności podróży po tej rozbudowanej sieci rzek i kanałów. Informacje obecne u Szpota możemy podzielić na dwie kategorie: wtórne, czyli zapożyczone ze źródeł wcześniejszych – jak np. z tekstu Mattea Ricciego – oraz pierwotne, czyli opisy, które Szpot pozyskał jako pierwszy w trakcie swojej długoletniej pracy w Rzymie. (shrink)

In his Sociology, Rosenstock-Huessy had argued that the translatio imperii was an important, but forgotten, Medieval Christian formulation which grasped that with the Church the aspiration of empire had entered onto a new historical path; the extinction that is the fate of all earthly empires need not be repeated if the powers of human endeavour are incorporated within a spiritual body (Augustine’s ‘heavenly city’) for whom ‘love is stronger than death’. This radical faith in the future has been retained (...) in, and is indeed intrinsic to, the secular Western revolutionary consciousness. This faith also provides the discipline of History with an eschatological mission far beyond merely chronicling of the past. History inevitably shares the same theological and philosophical roots not only of Europe but the entire world. For the ‘world’ we now inhabit is what it is because of the outgrowths of revolutions and world wars that were initiated in Europe. (shrink)

Spreading the universal monarchy myth in the early 16th century was closely linked to the magnitude of the territories controlled by Charles V. For the imperial chancellor Mercurino Gattinara, universal and messianic ideas, which were integrated into the symbolism of the Empire, were to legitimate a policy that aimed at giving a more rational structure to Charles’ territories and at securing a prominent influence for the Habsburg family in the whole of Europe. Gattinara imagined a kind of supranational monarchy, organised (...) in accordance with the mythical model of the Roman Empire, which would be able to guarantee peace under the aegis of Christianity. (shrink)

Spreading the universal monarchy myth in the early 16th century was closely linked to the magnitude of the territories controlled by Charles V. For the imperial chancellor Mercurino Gattinara, universal and messianic ideas, which were integrated into the symbolism of the Empire, were to legitimate a policy that aimed at giving a more rational structure to Charles’ territories and at securing a prominent influence for the Habsburg family in the whole of Europe. Gattinara imagined a kind of supranational monarchy, organised (...) in accordance with the mythical model of the Roman Empire, which would be able to guarantee peace under the aegis of Christianity. (shrink)

Tomasz Ignacy Szpot Dunin SJ w swoim dziele poświęconym historii Chin nie ominął postaw znaczących chińskich dowódców w okresie przełomu historycznego jakim był upadek dynastii Ming i jej zastąpienie przez mandżurską dynastię Qing. Jednym z nich był Wu Sangui, który początkowo wspierał Mingów w walce z zewnętrznymi i wewnętrznymi wrogami, by w kluczowym momencie przyczynić się do powodzenia najazdu mandżurskiego, a po niemal trzech dekadach działania pod zwierzchnością nowej dynastii wypowiedzieć jej posłuszeństwo i stanąć na czele tzw. Rebelii Trzech Lenników. (...) Sprawa ta była znana w Europie i stała się nawet przedmiotem zainteresowania literackiego w XVIII w. Szpot Dunin nie poddaje się w swoim opisie skrajnym tendencjom, umiejętnie rozważa okoliczności decyzji i przedstawia zniuansowany, ale jednocześnie wyrazisty obraz postaci Wu Sangui, jego zamiarów i niepowodzeń. (shrink)