Interpreters of Machiavelli easily agree that his political writings have profoundly influenced our fundamental ideas of state and society, yet these interpreters rarely agree on what Machiavelli really thought. Did Machiavelli seek to recover classical republicanism in the Aristotelian tradition, or did he aspire to usher in modernity? Was he a cynic who assumed human beings to be inescapably wicked and offered technical advice to tyrants, or did he aim at some version of "the good life"? Did he create a (...) general theory of politics, or did he teach us that political issues should be approached in a particular contextual, dialectical, or rhetorical manner? Through systematic analysis, Markus Fischer's cogent and articulate study succeeds in resolving these questions. Well-Ordered License will appeal both to new students of Machiavelli and to scholars who have long sought to reconcile the seeming incoherence of his work. (shrink)

The thesis demonstrates the underlying coherence of Machiavelli's political thought by deriving his manifold maxims from an unified set of psychological assumptions. In so doing, it bridges the two principal cleavages of the interpretive literature: whether Machiavelli explored only autocratic power politics or classical republicanism as well, and whether he had a normative purpose or gave merely technical advice; also, it determines the meaning of such widely debated Machiavellian concepts as virtu, ambition, the great, the people, liberty, etc. ;At root, (...) Machiavelli assumed human beings to be individuals that have a first and second nature. In first nature, imagination and ingenuity stimulate the passions to grow into an insatiable ambition for glory, domination, wealth, and sexual pleasure. In second nature, coercive constraint may habituate individuals to cooperate in the pursuit of these ends. Regarding the first cleavage, individuals can thus be said to exist originally in a violent condition of licence, wherein political order springs from the power of an autocrat. The institutional order of a republic arises when such an autocrat habituates individuals to the "civil life"--non-exclusive government through laws. However, this civil life merely enables citizens to spare one another in order to satisfy their ambitions more effectively by jointly making war on foreigners; accordingly, J.G.A. Pocock's prominent claim that Machiavellian republics actualize Aristotelian virtue is mistaken. ;Regarding the second cleavage, Machiavelli's thought can be shown to proceed on two levels: instrumentally, it gives technical advice to rulers on how to satisfy their own ambition best; normatively, it constructs political order so that their self-seeking deeds redound to the security, greatness, empire, and treasure of the whole. ;Finally, Machiavelli's dual psychology engenders two kinds of foreign affairs. Fundamentally, states are locked into a violent struggle for domination which arises not only from ambition but from fear for preservation as well; since defensive alliances tend to fail in Machiavelli's view, this struggle leads recurrently to the formation of encompassing empire. Secondarily, habituation to peace under such an empire may temporarily enable its successor states to maintain a foreign institution that attenuates conflict among them. (shrink)

This essay argues that political realism is an effective heuristic for understanding The Book of Lord Shang, which it compares to the political thought of Machiavelli and Hobbes. It first lays out the premises of political realism as they emerge from this comparison: the real is the guiding heuristic of political realism; historical change is the fundamental condition; the nature of human beings is selfish but can also form customs favorable to political order. Based on these premises, the essay then (...) discusses the major propositions of political realism: the purpose of central authority is to provide the multitude with the benefits of order and to reward the ruler; the benefits of order warrant the commission of cruel deeds, also called the reason of state in the West; legal and extra-legal actions are the means by which the central authority imposes order and counters contingency; punishment is the primary means to make the laws prevail. The essay closes with considering the question of whether a fully implemented realist order could put an end to historical change. (shrink)