The resurgence of interest in the meaning of citizenship has encouraged debate on its gendered character, especially the relationship between public and private. Informed by such analyses, this article considers the political organizations, in this case in Australia, formed to reclaim maternity care from medical dominance and to promote women's choices as childbearers. As activists, mothers have carved out a new form of politics, transforming their ‘private’ experiences into issues of public contention. Challenging established categories, they have sought to improve (...) their social rights through educating the public and changing professional and institutional practices – for example, asserting their ‘right’ to birth at home and breastfeed in public places. I argue that neither this project, nor that of feminism's emphasis on achieving equality in the public sphere, has been adequate, for gender equity requires intermeshed social, economic and political rights. By conceptualizing mothers as a political collectivity with distinctive, though not homogeneous, interests and needs, the article indicates ways to extend current theoretical frameworks, including postmodernist feminist debates on gender-justice and the politics of differentiated citizenship. (shrink)

Background: Several countries have recently changed their model of consent for organ donation from opt-in to opt-out. We undertook a systematic review to determine public knowledge and attitudes towards these models in Europe. Methods: Six databases were explored between 1 January 2008 and 15 December 2017. We selected empirical studies addressing either knowledge or attitudes towards the systems of consent for deceased organ donation by lay people in Europe, including students. Study selection, data extraction, and quality assessment were conducted by (...) two or more reviewers independently. Findings: Awareness of the consent model was lower in opt-out countries than in opt-in countries. A majority of the public agrees with opt-in, regardless of the law in their own country. There are ambivalent attitudes regarding the opt-out system. The public tend to prefer opt-in and mandatory choice over opt-out when several options are offered. Interpretation: The assumption that people in opt-out countries are aware of the legal requirements to be excluded from the pool of potential donors is not supported by the results of this review. This is a concern, since ignorance hinders people's autonomy regarding organ donation decision-making. Higher awareness of consent model in opt-in countries may reflect greater efforts to inform the public through campaigns to motivate donation. Legal moves towards opt-out are at odds with people's expressed preferences. Main limitations of this review are the lack of data from some countries, study population heterogeneity, and methodological shortcomings. (shrink)

Goal: To assess public knowledge and attitudes towards the family’s role in deceased organ donation in Europe. -/- Methods: A systematic search was conducted in CINHAL, MEDLINE, PAIS Index, Scopus, PsycINFO, and Web of Science on December 15th, 2017. Eligibility criteria were socio-empirical studies conducted in Europe from 2008 to 2017 addressing either knowledge or attitudes by the public towards the consent system, including the involvement of the family in the decision-making process, for post-mortem organ retrieval. Screening and data collection (...) were performed by two or more independent reviewers for each record. -/- Results: Of the 1482 results, 467 studies were assessed in full-text form, and 33 were included in this synthesis. When the deceased has not expressed any preference, a majority of the public support the family's role as a surrogate decision-maker. When the deceased expressly consented, the respondents' answers depend on whether they see themselves as potential donors or as a deceased's next-of-kin. Answers also depend on the relationship between the deceased and the decision-maker(s) within the family, and on their ethnic or cultural background. -/- Conclusions: Public views on the authority of the family in organ donation decision-making require further research. A common conceptual framework and validated well-designed questionnaires are needed for future studies. The findings should be considered in the development of Government policy and guidance regarding the role of families in deceased organ donation. (shrink)

Straipsnyjc svarstornas Algio Micklino atsakas huscrliSkosios fcnorncnologijos kritikarns. Autorius iSrySkina tris svarbiausius IJusscrlio kritikq argurnen- tus: 1 .IHusscrlio fcnorncnologija yra toli graiu nc "rnohlas bc jokiq ikankstiniy prielaidq", ji suponuo- ja dckartiSkqj teiginj, jog bliti rciSkia "hliti paiintu". 2.1-Tusserlio tciginj apic fcnorncnologines duotics apo- diktiSkurnq susilpnina jo patics patcikiarni tokios duo- tics apra5yrnai. IS ju, prieSingai Husserlio ketinirnarns. i6aiSkcja fenorncnologincs rcflcksijos ncpajcgurnas "susidoroti" tiek su retencine 1;iikines patirties di- rncnsija, tiek su radikalia Kito patirtics kitokybe. 3.Husscrlio rnctodui ir rnqstyrnui apskritai (...) budingas eurocentrizrnas ir episterninis irnpcrializrnas - visus kultlirinius ir istorinills skirturnus jis susurnuojn savo fenornenologijoje, kuriy traktuoja kaip slaptq graiko- curopictiSko.jo irnogaus llikcsi.iij iksipildyrnn. Algiui Micktinui svarbiausias klausirnns yra Sis: Koclkl reiketq intcrpretuoti Husserli blitent iitaip? Micktinas, Husscrlio rnokiniy Eugcno Finko ir Lud- wigo Landgrebe's rnokinys, gcrai suvokc, jog ypa- tingas Husscrlio raSyrno stilius nesyk yra veikiau su- trrlkdes nei pacle,jysvisu radikalurnu atsiskleisti svar- biausiorns Mol\qto.jo @valgorns ir atradirnarns. Tatiau jam Sis triikurnas visuornct atrodes ncrciksrningas ly- ginant su rniliiniiku potcncialu, kuris Siuosc atradi- rnuose gltidi. laukdarnas tolcsnio iiplctojirno. Hus- scrlio filosofija Micktinui yra tarsi jminirno laukiantis rnjsliy rinkinps, ir Si jrninirnq jis laiko prasrningesniu uidaviniu ui pastangas padcrnonstruoti huserliSkos fenornenologijos nenuoscklurnus ir silpnqsiasvietas. Savo darbuose Micktinas parodo. jog, ncpaisant kri- tikq iipuoliu, Husscrlio fcnorncnologinio rnctodo vi- suotinurnas ir fundamentalurnas iilicka ncpancigti. Raktiniai iodiiai: fi.nornenologija, refleksijn, skirtis, jk~~orner~ns, ~~~~enntnn.spn.snrrli.s, pntirtis. (shrink)

Auf dem Berliner IPV-Kongress lud Freud 1922 die psychoanalytische Gemeinschaft in Form eines Preisausschreibens ein, sich mit Problemen der psychoanalytischen Technik auseinanderzusetzen. Fokussiert auf die Frage der Deutung von inner- und außeranalytischen Übertragungen wird das Schicksal dieser Aufforderung nachgezeichnet, der 1924 als erste Otto Rank und Sándor Ferenczi nachkamen, 1927 gefolgt von Wilhelm Reich und – auf dem Gebiet der Kinderanalyse – Anna Freud und Melanie Klein. Der Streifzug durch die Geschichte der Technik zeigt, wie sich die 1927 auf dem (...) Gebiet der Kinderanalyse aufgebrochene Polarisierung hinsichtlich der Übertragungsdeutung mit der Arbeit Stracheys und spätestens seit den »controversial discussions« innerhalb der britischen Gesellschaft auf das Gebiet der Erwachsenenanalyse übertrug. Unter Berücksichtigung der Weiterentwicklung des Diskurses wird die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die starke Betonung der Übertragungsdeutung eine unterschiedliche Praxis widerspiegelt oder ob sie zur Marke einer bestimmten Schule geworden ist, die den Blick auf das Gemeinsame des psychoanalytischen Deutens, die Herstellung von Verbindungen, verstellt. (shrink)

Courtesy of Diane Liu Martin Schönfeld, co-Editor of Journal of Global Ethics, passed away June 21st. Martin received his first degrees from Regensburg University, he continued in philosophy at Lud...

Andrzej Szczypiorski (1928–2000) was a writer and journalist. As a journalist he made his debut in 1947 in “Gromada” and then he cooperated with “Życie Warszawy” and “Film". In 1951 he was a member of literary editor’s office of Polish Radio in Katowice, where he was engaged in reportage and radio’s adaptations of literary works. After short period of work in Teatr Śląski in Katowice and departure to embassy in Copenhagen (Denmark) he arrived to Warsaw and he engaged in cultural (...) journalism. Every week’s feuilletons-commentary in radio and numerous texts printed for example in “Przegląd Kulturalny”, “Życie Warszawy". “Za wolność i lud”, “Nowa Kultura”, “Tygodnik Demokratyczny”, “Tygodnik Kulturalny” made him famous journalist. He was reckoned to be a journalist, who supported obligatory political system. Since 1968 his connections with radio and official press have started to come loose. After next few years he cooperated to “Polityka”, “Odra”, “Problemy Alkoholizmu” and “Literatura". Formation independent press made him publicity in “Zapis”, “Biuletyn Informacyjny", "Bez tytułu". During being internee in the state of war he became concentrated on literary activity. In 1989–1991 years he was a senator. Till his death he published very much (e.g. “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Wprost”, “Polityka” and “Hustler”) and he took part in television and radio programs, symposiums and cultural meeting in the country and foreign countries. (shrink)

The aim of this essay is to present a model of ethical technology management which assumes that elites who make the system design and development decisions should minimize the risks to stakeholders rather than maximize gains for their organizations. Given the unsettled state in ethical theory a familiar substantive Social, Economic, Environmental and Rights value set or ‘SEER’ ethic is presented. To enable foresight of the negative SEER effects of innovations a technology life cycle is introduced. A cognate issue life (...) cycle is presented to facilitate the ethical resolution of SEER issues associated with such effects. The resultant problem of increased front end load delays and costs, due to ongoing system redesign and stakeholder discussions is found to preferable to high ‘rear end load’ crisis costs, e.g., ofthe Ford Pinto, Exxon Valdez, Dalkon lUD Shield, and the Union Carbide Bhopal plant. Furthermore the model promises improved returns on the capital investments involved, indications for further research in ethics, economics and organizational theory are noted. (shrink)

Artykuł zawiera rozważania na temat eseju Bronisława Trentowskiego pt. „Radykalizm polityczny” z 1843 roku. Rozważania autorki dzielą się na cztery części: 1. Samodzielność ludzi i ożywienie polityki – dwie główne cechy „radykalizmu politycznego”; 2. Lud u Trentowskiego: masa czy wielość różnych jednostek?; 3. Diagnoza „radykała politycznego” a dzisiejsza spolaryzowana demokracja 4. Zakończenie: „demokratyzm” jako „przychodzenie do swego uczucia”. Autorka zauważa, że Trentowski wypracował argumentację, która dzisiaj naturalnie narzuca się zwolennikom demokracji partycypacyjnej – jak choćby zarzut wobec liberałów takich jak Benjamin (...) Constant, że traktują wolność w sposób selektywny, dozwalając na nią w sferze prywatnej, ale już nie w sferze politycznej. Właśnie tę selektywność Trentowski zwie „półptakiem”. Ponadto argumentacja Trentowskiego pozwala uznać polityczną polaryzację za martwotę – „rządy rozumu” zamiast „rządów umysłu”. (shrink)

W państwach, które określają się demokratycznymi, są takie cykliczne momenty, które mobilizują sporą część społeczeństwa. Mobilizacja ta widoczna jest w różnych obszarach, które dotyczą przestrzeni publicznej: w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego, w organach władzy samorządowej i centralnej, w środkach społecznego przekazu, we wspólnotach religijnych itd. Ta pewnego rodzaju „nadaktywność” wynika z tego, iż w porządku demokratycznym władze są wybierane przez lud poprzez akt wyborczy. Doświadczenie życiowe oraz przykład polskiej demokracji po 1989 r. pokazuje, iż powyższe założenia w przeważającej części nie zawsze (...) są realizowane. Można jednak mówić o przynajmniej dwóch niepożądanych działaniach kandydatów w ramach kampanii wyborczej: obietnicach wyborczych i korupcji wyborczej. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie problematyki dotyczącej korupcji wyborczej w świetle etyki personalistycznej. Wybór, pomimo że subiektywny, wydaje się uzasadniony z tego powodu, iż personalizm dotyka kwestii problemów społeczno-politycznych z perspektywy koncepcji dobra wspólnego. (shrink)