The determination of inertia by matter is looked at in general relativity, where inertia can be represented by affine or projective structure. The matter tensor T seems to underdetermine affine structure by ten degrees of freedom, eight of which can be eliminated by gauge choices, leaving two. Their physical meaning---which is bound up with that of gravitational waves and the pseudotensor t, and with the conservation of energy-momentum---is considered, along with the dependence of reality on invariance and of causal explanation (...) on conservation. (shrink)

For the last few years, the European Union has been experiencing a deep and prolonged institutional crisis. This has manifested itself, for instance, in the sovereign debt and Euro crises, the tension between national and transnational sovereignty, and tensions about the rule of law. This manifold crisis has dwarfed the enormous successes of integration and convergence that have been achieved over the past six decades in Europe. Crucially, this crisis has blinded many observers from being able to see how and (...) in what form European integration has managed in a successful way to connect the different parts of Europe with the whole over the last few decades. Our contribution is firstly aimed at showing how the European mechanism of integration of diversity in unity functions and why it has been so successful in many policy areas. We propose that, in order to get out of the present deadlock, the mechanism that has worked so well in some policy areas should be widened to all decision-making processes. Equally importantly, we argue that at its core the current crisis is a cognitive problem. We therefore argue that in order to recognize the institutional achievements as a positive common European experience, widening the general perception of "Unity in diversity" among Europeans, a new conceptual figure or interpretative scheme is needed for two reasons: first, in order to see how unity and diversity has already been dynamically harmonized in a directly recognizable way, and second, in order to provide a tool that creates further harmonization and enhances popular legitimacy for further European integration and convergence. In doing that, our proposal brings Nicholas of Cusa's (1401–1464) concept of spiritus conexionis into the fold. His concept, in our view, represents the dynamically integrative figure needed presently in Europe. As Cusanus lived in a historic period, in which the medieval interpretative schema to integrate diversity and unity was no longer tenable and the modern idea of nation state was not born yet, he conceived a new pattern of integration according to which any national identity – but even any culture or religion – in order to be aware of itself as a specific entity, has to be dynamically connected with a supranational identity that composes the different pieces in an harmonic whole; only in light of this identity that transcends individual identities, identity specificity for individual entities can be achieved. (shrink)

The statement that masks were not introduced on the Roman stage until after the time of Terence is still repeated by editors and has the support of Pauly Wissowa as well as Daremberg and Saglio ; it may, in fact, be regarded as generally accepted. Yet so long ago as 1912 A. S. F. Gow put forward strong arguments on the opposite side; his article, though mentioned with respect in Bursian and referred to by Schanz-Hosius , has not yet (...) been satisfactorily answered, so far as I am aware. Gow did not claim that a final solution of this problem could be attained on our present evidence, but he did show that the orthodox position is open to attack. I hope to prove that the arguments in favour of the early use of masks are even stronger than he claimed. (shrink)

Antonio Genovesi is known as the thinker who raised a whole generation of Southern Italian intellectuals, among them Francesco Pagano and Gaetano Filangieri. One of the most influential of his works was the notoriously difficult Diceosina, o sia della filosofia del giusto e dell’onesto , a textbook destined for use in the universities. The Diceosina was a powerful, if controversial, attempt to mediate between the history of moral philosophy on the one hand, and the specific problems encountered by eighteenth-century commercial (...) society on the other. In fact, it contained the greater part of Genovesi's political, philosophical, and economic thought; a synthetic guidebook for Neapolitan economic and social development. This essay explores the work's context, rich intellectual origins, and ultimate significance through its long and complicated reception. The cultural and political connotations of Genovesi's Diceosina become particularly evident through an engagement with the works of Ermenegildo Personè, one of the book's most arduous critics. (shrink)

There is more than enough evidence to show that cock-fighting, quail-fighting, and even partridge-fighting were favourite sports among the Greeks , no matter what part of the mediterranean world they inhabited. Whether Romans ever shared these passions is another question altogether. When Saglio contributed his article on cock-fighting to the Dictionnaire des antiquitis grecques et romaines, he limited himself to the transports it caused the Greeks. For this he was reprimanded, obliquely, by Schneider, asserting—but neglecting to support the assertion (...) in detail—that Romans also took a keen interest in Hahnenkämpfe. Subsequently, Magaldi set out to prove the existence of formal ludi gallinarii at Pompeii, while Jennison mustered such evidence as could be found for all three forms of avian combat in Rome. Hence, apparently, it has become the communis opinio that Romans shared the Greeks' taste for these ‘raffish’ amusements. (shrink)

There is more than enough evidence to show that cock-fighting, quail-fighting, and even partridge-fighting were favourite sports among the Greeks, no matter what part of the mediterranean world they inhabited. Whether Romans ever shared these passions is another question altogether. When Saglio contributed his article on cock-fighting to the Dictionnaire des antiquitis grecques et romaines, he limited himself to the transports it caused the Greeks. For this he was reprimanded, obliquely, by Schneider, asserting—but neglecting to support the assertion in (...) detail—that Romans also took a keen interest in Hahnenkämpfe. Subsequently, Magaldi set out to prove the existence of formal ludi gallinarii at Pompeii, while Jennison mustered such evidence as could be found for all three forms of avian combat in Rome. Hence, apparently, it has become the communis opinio that Romans shared the Greeks' taste for these ‘raffish’ amusements. (shrink)

The statement that masks were not introduced on the Roman stage until after the time of Terence is still repeated by editors and has the support of Pauly Wissowa as well as Daremberg and Saglio ; it may, in fact, be regarded as generally accepted. Yet so long ago as 1912 A. S. F. Gow put forward strong arguments on the opposite side; his article, though mentioned with respect in Bursian and referred to by Schanz-Hosius, has not yet been (...) satisfactorily answered, so far as I am aware. Gow did not claim that a final solution of this problem could be attained on our present evidence, but he did show that the orthodox position is open to attack. I hope to prove that the arguments in favour of the early use of masks are even stronger than he claimed. (shrink)