Hasan el-Bennâ, Tasavvuf ve Ahlâk Eğitimi, der. İsâm Telime, çev. Ayetullah Güneş, Cuma Karan, İstanbul: Nida Yayınları, 2008, ss.326, ISBN: 978-975-95080-3-6.

Imāmiyya holds that the theory of imāmate must rely on scriptural evidence and designation and that the Imām, the successor to Muḥammad, is in charge of all political and religious issues. The authority of the Imām includes some religious and social duties such as executing the legal punishments, collecting almsgiving, sustaining social order and declaring holy war. The fulfillment of these duties requires actual leadership of the Imām or his deputy. With the beginning of the great occultation in 329/941, there (...) was an uncertainty among the Imāmiyya followers about who would uphold these responsibilities. In this period, Shīʿī ʿulamā began to undertake the duties of the Imām in order to overcome this uncertainty and to avoid the possible schism. In the beginning, this delegation of authority was limited to the religious sphere; but, later, its scope gradually became wider. This process of delegation of power, which covers a long process, needs to be examined in its various periods. In this study, this subject will be considered with special reference to the scholars of the fifth century of hijra (hijrī). An effort is made in this article to reveal how the issues of the Imām’s powers are discussed in the context of the problem of expanding or narrowing the authority of the scholars who played significant roles in systemization of Uṣūlī (rationalist) thought in the period after Shaykh al-Mufīd.Summary: In the issues of Imām/Caliphate which led to political division among Muslims after the Prophet Muḥammad, Imāmī Shīʿa opines that the Imāmate theory relies on scriptural evidence and designation. According to this theory, apart from scriptural evidence and designation, personal qualities such as immaculacy, knowledge, bravery, and vantage are found in Ali, Ḥasan, Ḥusayn and nine people from the lineage of Ḥusayn. The Imām as a successor to the Prophet Muḥammad is a person who has both religious and political power which includes implementation of punishments, collecting alms, ensuring justice, declaring holy war. For the Imāmī Shīʿa, there is a need for imām or his deputy who has absolute power to fulfill these duties.Imāmī Shīʿa, who held that the disappeared twelfth Imām would return back to restore justice in the world, had to confront various problems in finding solutions to some issues related to the existence of Imām himself, as well as theological issues during the period of great occultation. Particularly, the period of great occultation (329/941), in which the link with the Imām was severed completely, the Shīʿī community were uncertain on how to fulfill the responsibilities of the Imām probably due to the lack of religious sources. Shaykh al-Mufīd draws attention to the issue of khums (a one-fifth share of the spoils of war and of other specified forms of income). In this period of uncertainty, the Shiite scholars came into prominence in order to fill the gap and to prevent the social disorder. Referring to a tawqī‘ (rescript) from the Twelfth Imām, they claimed that they would take responsibility for the Twelfth Imām on his behalf. In the beginning, the delegation of the power was limited to the religious sphere. It was gradually extended to other spheres by the contribution of some scholars. It reached the largest dimension with the implementation of “wilāyat al-faqīh” theory.From that period until our times, the era when Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples lived can be considered as the beginning of this period. In the fifth century when Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples lived the delegation of power was limited to the religious sphere. In this article, how the scholars who played a role in the systematization of Uṣūlī thought dealt with the issue of the limits of the authority of Imām and how they defined the role of the Imāmī jurists (faqīh) will be examined.Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples were sometimes cautious on the issue of the delegation of the power of Imām. They, however, pointed out the role of the faqīh in the occultation period in order to overcome the uncertainty. As a matter of fact, Shaykh al-Ṭūsī and al-Qādī Ibn al-Barrāj made significant contributions to the issues of collection and distribution of khums. However, Sallār al-Daylamī’s contribution to the subject is more crucial. He considered khums as the grace of God and believed that it can be allocated by taking into account the share of the Imām. They put forward the views that explained in details the role of the faqīh in the collection and distribution of alms. Even Ibn al-Barrāj opined that in the absence of Imām and his deputy alms are to be allocated to the Faqihs on the ground that they know better how to distribute it. Therefore, in the absence of Imām and his deputy, by suggesting that faqīh must be in charge of collecting and distributing alms, they proposed a remedy in an early period.On the issue of leading the Friday prayer (ṣalāt al-jum‘a), which is one of the social duties of Imām, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples considered the presence of the Imām or his deputy as a condition for a valid Friday prayer. In addition to this condition, Al-Ḥalabī, also added that a person who meets the necessary conditions can be also considered in leading Friday prayer. This addition by Ḥalabī was an important contribution to the solution of the problems encountered during the period of great occultation on both Friday prayer and delegation of Imām religious and political authorities to faqīh. On the other hand, Sallār, another disciple of Sharīf al-Murtaḍā, opposed the idea of the faqīh leading the Friday prayer in the absence of the Imām even when the necessary conditions are met. It can be said that this approach of Sallār led to the opinion of some Imāmis which considered Friday prayer unlawful in the absence of Imām. In the occultation period, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples showed a cautious attitude about the implementation of the punishments. They argued that only Imām could implement the punishments. However, the major step was taken by Shaykh Ṭūsī on the issue of who implements the punishments in the occultation period. He argued that the Imām’s designated the faqihs to implement the punishments. In addition to this subject, Shiite scholars discussed the issue of whether a Shiite officer under the reigning rule in the occultation period implemented the punishments. On this issue, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā compiled a treaty untitled Mas’ala fi’l-‘amal ma‘a’al-sulṭan. For him, the main criteria are whether such person has necessary responsibilities and qualifications. Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples also continued their master’s conciliatory attitude. In the final analysis, the contribution of Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his disciples on the issue of who will undertake the duties and responsibilities of the Imām is crucial in the systematization of the idea of transferal of the power of the Imām to faqīh including political one. In fact, Sharīf al-Murtaḍā’s advice to take part in the existing administrations has been considered a way out for the scholars who want to establish relations with the authorities in the later periods. (shrink)

Il volume collettaneo presenta diciassette studi raccolti per sezioni tematiche, incentrati su una selezione di culti misterici della Magna Grecia. I contributi costituiscono i proceedings di un simposio sponsorizzato dalla Società Virgiliana e dalla Brandeis University, tenutosi nella Villa Virgiliana di Cuma nel 2002. Il libro è corredato da una eccellente introduzione (p. 1–29), in cui Giovanni Casadio e Patricia A. Johnston, organizzatori del convegno cumano e curatori del volume, offrono...

The Kingdom of God is central to the whole message of Jesus Christ. Through the kingdom of God, we can discover and understand the entire mission of Jesus. The Kingdom of God is the embodiment of God’s saving presence in human life. Compared with the Jewish religious movements of that era, especially the apocalyptic movement, which also awaited the coming of the Kingdom of God, Jesus’ preaching about the kingdom of God has a special feature, that the Kingdom of God (...) is an act of forgiveness and salvation from God, and not God’s judgment; moreover, the action is happening now in people’s life, rather than being something that is expected in the future. Through Jesus, through his word and his work, God is now present in the midst of the people. Through his parables and his words in the Sermon on the Mount and in the act of casting out demons, in healing the sick and in the forgiveness of sin, Jesus reveals the presence of a compassionate God, a God who frees people from the power of sin and leades them in the power of divine grace. Jesus not only preached the kingdom of God but gave himself so that people would experience God’s saving work. Through His death on the cross, Jesus freely poured God’s mercy and goodness upon human beings. Jesus’ proclamation of the kingdom of God has important implications for the understanding of the Christological and ecclesiological renewal. Keywords: Kingdom of God, salvation, forgiveness, word of Jesus, work of Jesus, human life, Christological and ecclesiological renewal. Abstrak: Kerajaan Allah merupakan inti seluruh pewartaan Yesus Kristus. Melalui Kerajaan Allah kita dapat menemukan dan mengerti seluruh perutusan hidup Yesus. Kerajaan Allah berarti perwujudan kehadiran Allah yang menyelamatkan dalam hidup manusia. Dibandingkan dengan gerakan keagamaan yahudi pada zaman itu, khususnya apokaliptik yang juga menantikan kedatangan Kerajaan Allah, pewartaan Yesus tentang Kerajaan Allah memiliki ciri khusus bahwa Kerajaan Allah adalah tindakan pengampunan dan penyelamatan Allah, bukan penghakiman Allah dan tindakan itu kini terjadi nyata dalam hidup manusia, dan bukannya sesuatu yang dinantikan di masa depan. Melalui diri Yesus, dalam sabda dan karya-Nya, Allah kini hadir di tengah-tengah umat-Nya. Lewat perumpamaan dan sabda bahagia maupun dalam tindakan pengusiran setan, penyembuhan orang sakit dan pengampunan orang berdosa, Yesus menyatakan kehadiran Allah yang penuh belas kasih dalam hidup manusia, yang membebaskannya dari kuasa dosa dan menuntunnya dalam kuasa rahmat Ilahi. Yesus tidak hanya memberitakan Kerajaan Allah tetapi juga memberikan diri-Nya, sehingga orang sungguh mengalami karya penyelamatan Allah. Melalui kematian-Nya di salib, Yesus mencurahkan dengan cuma-cuma kerahiman dan kebaikan Allah dalam hidup manusia. Pewartaan Kerajaan Allah Yesus ini memiliki dampak penting bagi pembaruan pemahaman kristologis dan eklesiologis. Kata-kata Kunci: Kerajaan Allah, penyelamatan, pengampunan, sabda Yesus, karya Yesus, kehidupan manusia, pembaruan pemahaman kristologis dan eklesiologis. (shrink)

The object of this article is to ascertain as nearly as possible the dates of the conference at Luca and of Cicero's speech on the consular provinces; to identify the composition which he called his ‘palinode’; and to fix the chronological order of certain letters which relate to these points. Writing on April 8, 698 , Cicero tells his brother that on the 5th there was a debate in the Senate on the Campanian land; that on the 7th he visited (...) Pompey, who intended to start on the IIth for Sardinia and to embark at Labro or Pisa; and that he himself is on the point of leaving Rome, but intends, after staying successively at Anagnia, Arpinum, Pompeii, and Cumae, to return on May 6. Two years later he wrote to Lentulus Spinther that in the debate of April 5, 56, it had been resolved ‘that the question of the Campanian land should be referred to a full meeting of the Senate on the 15th of May.’ ‘After this decree,’ he continued, had passed in accordance with my motion, Pompey, without showing the least sign of being offended with me, started for Sardinia and Africa, and on the way visited Caesar at Luca. Caesar complained a great deal about my motion, for he had already seen Crassus at Ravenna, and had been irritated by him against me. Everyone knew that Pompey was much annoyed about it—so I heard from others and afterwards learned definitely from my brother. When Pompey met him in Sardinia a few days after he left Luca, he said, “You are the very man I want to see… You went bail for your brother Marcus; unless you speak strongly to him, you'll have to pay up”… He spoke of his own services to me; recalled what he had often said to my brother about Caesar's measures [in his consulship] and the pledge which my brother had given for my conduct; called my brother to witness that what he had done to secure my recall [from exile] he had done with the consent of Caesar; and asked him to commend to me Caesar's policy and aims and persuade me not to attack, even if I would not or could not support them. (shrink)

‘Valerius Flaccus knows how to write with elegant precision.’ – R. Syme, Tacitus, 89.Phoebe, mone, si Cumaeae mihi conscia uatis 5stat casta cortina domo, si laurea dignafronte uiret …In these lines, as critics have long recognized, resides evidence for identifying Valerius Flaccus as a quindecimuir sacris faciundis. Emphasis is placed on the tripod emblematic of this sacred office which is here intimately associated with expertise in the oracular communications of the Cumaean Sibyl. The libri Sibyllini, the supervision and interpretation of (...) which were amongst the earliest and most conspicuous of the XVuiri's responsibilities, could be traced to the Sibyl at Cumae. Wreathes, too, formed part of the XVuir's equipment, and of course during the Imperial period the Sibylline books were deposited in the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine. In little more than two lines, then, one finds an abundance of references that cannot fail to fashion this addressee of Apollo as a quindecimvir. (shrink)

This article re-examines the sole surviving fragment of Aeschylean elegy alongside the available contextual evidence in an attempt to enhance our currently very limited understanding of Aeschylus’ elegiac output. The first section explores Theophrastus’ citation of this fragment in theHistoria Plantarumto demonstrate what we can learn about the original Aeschylean poem from its use within the later writer's discussion. The second section examines how the Italian focus of the fragment fits into a wider historical and literary discourse of interactions between (...) Greeks and non-Greeks in the west. The third and concluding section builds on these findings to examine the possible Sicilian performance context of the original Aeschylean poem to which the fragment belongs. Ultimately the discussion demonstrates that the fragment is an important and hitherto underappreciated early witness of the development of influential cultural concepts regarding interactions between Greeks and non-Greeks in the west, and that the possibility that Aeschylus produced a poem relating to the victory of Hieron I of Syracuse over the Etruscans at Cumae in 474b.c.e.is worth serious consideration. (shrink)

Nous savons bien aujourd'hui que, dès l'Antiquité, leCorpus Aristoteli-cuma été constitué, mis en ordre et commenté de manière à faire ressortir, en tout, la cohérence des doctrines du Stagirite, dont ses écrits, tels qu'il nous les a laissés, ne portaient pas la marque évidente. Le sentiment que ce travail de mise en forme, poursuivi par la tradition, devait avoir oblitéré quelque chose de la nature de la pensée aristotélicienne conduisit à soulever la question qui sert d'intitulé à la présente (...) étude. (shrink)

Osmanlılar, İbn Arabî'nin düşüncelerine ve kitaplarına büyük ilgi göstermiş ve bu etki Anadolu’dan başlayarak Osmanlı toplumunda yayılmıştır. Osmanlı padişahları, devletlerinin kuruluşunu İbn Arabî'ye nispet eden rivayetlere değer vermiş ve onun fikirlerini desteklemiştir. Osmanlı’da ilk medresenin başında olan kişilerin, ilk dönem şeyhülislam ve kadıların İbn Arabî'nin fikirlerini yayma çabaları olmuştur. Bu durum, İbn Arabî'nin Osmanlı toplumunda nazarî tasavvuf ekolünün sembolü haline gelmesine neden olmuştur. Şam toplumu daha önceleri İbn Arabî’ye ve eserlerine az ilgi gösterirken, Osmanlı yönetimine girmesinden sonra bölgede bu ilgi (...) artmıştır. Osmanlı valilerinin ve kadılarının İbn Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmeleriyle bu saygı belirginleşmiştir. İbn Arabî halk arasında da velayetine inanılarak büyük bir hürmet görmüştür. Osmanlı döneminde, özellikle 16. yüzyılda İbn Kemal Paşa'nın desteğiyle İbn Arabî'ye olan ilgi artmıştır. 17. yüzyılda da bu ilgi devam etmiştir. Abdulganî en-Nablusî, 18. yüzyılda İbn Arabî ekolünün önde gelen ismi olmuştur. 19. yüzyılda, Emir Abdülkâdir el-Cezâirî'nin çabalarıyla İbn Arabî ekolüne mensup sufi ve alimler çoğalmıştır. Bu dönemde İbn Arabî'nin evrâdı ve şerhleri de önem kazanmıştır. Şam ulemasından birçok kişi, özellikle Bahâüddin b. Abdülganî el-Baytar ve Muhammed Emin b. Muhammed Süveyd gibi şahsiyetler, İbn Arabî'nin eserlerini düzenli bir şekilde okumuş ve öğrencilere öğretmiştir. Şam'da İbn Arabî'ye olan ilgi ve saygı, genel tasavvufî çizgi içinde amelî tasavvufa ağırlık verilmesine rağmen, nazarî tasavvufa yönelik bir eğilim göstermiştir. Şam toplumunda tarih boyunca İbn Arabî'nin şahsiyeti özel bir konum kazanmıştır. Onun için Şeyhu’l-Ekber gibi lakapların yaygınlaşması bunun göstergesi olmuştur. Âlimler ve mutasavvıflar İbn Arabî'nin öğretilerine büyük değer vermiş, özellikle baş eseri Fusûs’a önemli şerhler yazılmıştır. İbn Arabî'ye yönelik eleştiriler ve tartışmalar da yaşanmıştır. Özellikle Fusûsu'l-Hikem kitabındaki görüşleri bazı alimler tarafından eleştirilmiş ve hatta tekfir edilmiştir. Ancak Osmanlı Devleti'nin resmi tutumu, İbn Arabî'ye destek vermiş ve eleştirilere karşı çıkılmıştır. Zamanla, İbn Arabî'nin eserleri savunulmuş ve eleştirilere cevaplar verilmiştir. Osmanlı valileri, Şam'da İbn Arabî'nin görüşlerine saldıran kişileri soruşturmuş ve cezalandırmıştır. Ancak bu tutum, Osmanlı fakihleri arasında da eleştiri ve karşıt görüşlerin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. İbn Arabî'nin kabri Osmanlı döneminde sürekli olarak ziyaret edilmiş, bu ziyaretler cuma geceleri özel olarak artmıştır. Osmanlı devlet adamları şeyhler ve âlimler, Şam'a girişlerinde önce İbn Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmişlerdir. Kabir ziyaretine olan bu ilgi, zaman içinde önemli şahsiyetlerin defnedilme arzusuna dönüşmüş, Osmanlı büyüğü olan birçok kişi İbn Arabî'nin kabri yakınında gömülmeyi tercih etmiştir. Osmanlı devlet adamları ve şeyhlerinin İbn Arabî'nin etrafında defnedilme çabaları, bu bölgenin Osmanlılar dönemindeki etkisini göstermektedir. (shrink)

Unter dem Namen "Oracula Sibyllina" ist eine Sammlung in Hexametern abgefasster Pseudoorakel uberliefert mit den Buchern 1-8 und 11-14 in etwa 4230 Versen. Die fruhesten Teile entstanden im judischen Milieu seit der 2. Halfte des 1. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.; nach 150 n. Chr. wurden diese durch christliche Autoren rezipiert, erganzt und uberarbeitet. Die historischen Anspielungen reichen bis in das 3. nachchristliche Jahrhundert; die Endfassung wurde wohl im 6. Jahrhundert abgeschlossen. Der Legende nach hat Tarquinius Superbus, der letzte legendare Konig Roms, (...) die Bucher direkt von der Sibylle von Cumae erworben. Im Tempel des Iuppiter Capitolinus aufbewahrt und von 15 Priestern gehutet, durften sie nur eingesehen werden, wenn der Senat dies wegen beangstigender Vorzeichen anordnete. Im Jahr 83 v. Chr. vernichtete ein Brand auf dem Kapitol die Sammlung, eine neue wurde aufgrund von Nachforschungen an griechischen Sibyllenheiligtumern zusammengestellt.". (shrink)

Juvenal's third satire is a privileged piece of verbal diarrhoea. As the longest satire in Juvenal's well-attended Book 1, as the centre of this book, and as the one Juvenalian jewel that sparkles ‘non-rhetorically’, it has always been the critics’ darling. Its protagonist, on the other hand, has not always been so popular. Recently, reader sympathy for old Umbricius has shifted to laughter in his face; the old sense of ‘pathetic’ has ceded to the new. One of the central strategies (...) of the ‘Umbricius-as-caricature’ camp has been to point to the overtime worked by ‘mock-epic’ in this poem: Umbricius self-inflates to become another Aeneas, fleeing a crumbling Troy. But an oppositio is wedged in imitando. Umbricius makes his lengthy verbal preparations to depart from Rome for Cumae; Aeneas had come to Rome through Cumae. Umbricius withdraws to set up shop in the meagre countryside; Aeneas had escaped to cap his exile teleologically with the Greatest City That Will Ever Be. Still, Virgil's paradigm tale of displacement, drift and re-establishment underlies Umbricius' self-definition as an exile. Indeed exile, with a large and ever-increasing stock of mythical and historical examples, was a situation ripe for self-mythologizing. Umbricius stands in Aeneas' shadow then, standing it on its head. His recession also makes him into a Iustitia/Dikē figure, the final trace of the golden age, off to alloy himself elsewhere. In his mind, exile is rationalized by distinguished past examples; in ours, we laugh at how disparate example and man really are. That side of Umbricius has been done to death; or at least, for present purposes, to exile. (shrink)

In Juvenal's third satire the main speaker, Umbricius, delivers a speech of farewell as he prepares to leave Rome. In it, he mounts a sustained attack on life in the capital. By contrast, he praises Italian country towns, a combination of laudatio and vituperatio which is foreshadowed in the prefatory praise of provincial Cumae and denigration of Rome.

The fifth scene represented on the Shield of Aeneas describes Porsenna's siege of Rome and the resistance of the Romans, with the two classic exempla of Horatius Cocles and Cloelia :nec non Tarquinium eiectum Porsenna iubebataccipere ingentique urbem obsidione premebat;Aeneadae in ferrum pro libertate ruebant.illum indignanti similem similemque minantiaspiceres, pontem auderet quia uellere Cocles 650et fluuium uinclis innaret Cloelia ruptis.According to Roman mainstream tradition, at the beginning of the Republic, Porsenna, an Etruscan king of Clusium, tried to reinstate the exiled (...) Tarquinius Superbus by besieging Rome, but the heroism of Romans such as Horatius Cocles, C. Mucius Scaevola and Cloelia impressed him so much that he decided to give up the siege and make peace with his enemies. He then sent his army against the Latins and was finally defeated at the battle of Aricia by the joint forces of the Latin League and their allies from Cumae. However, there circulated also less flattering versions of the story: Tacitus hints at the fact that the Romans had in fact surrendered to Porsenna, and Pliny refers to a humiliating treaty imposed on them by the Etruscan king. (shrink)

It has usually been held, on the strength of several passages in Thucydides, that the Athenian army which was besieging Syracuse in 414–413 b.c. contained a contingent of Etruscans desirous of retaliating upon the Syracusans for losses inflicted upon them in past days—e.g., in 474 at Cumae and in 453 at Elba.

Bu çalı ş mada Nuh b. Mustafa el-Konevi’nin “fethu'l-celil alâ abdihi'z-zelîl fî beyâni mâ verede fi'l-istihlâf fi'l-cümü'ati mine'l-ekâvil ” adlı risalesinin tahkikli çalı ş ması yapıldı. Büyük bir alim ve fakih olan müellifimiz zamanın Konya müftüsüdür. Mısır’a tabli ğ ve ilmi faaliyetlerini gerçekleçtirmek için hicret ettikten sonra orada vefat etmi ş tir. İ lmi alanlarda bir çok gayreti vardır. Özellikle fıkıh ve fıkıh usulü sahasında önemli eserlere imza atmı ş tır. Söz konusu bu risale, süleymaniye kütüphanesine ba ğ lı veliyüddin (...) Efendi kütüphanesinden elde edilen iki el yazması esas alınarak tahkik edilmi ş tir. “Fethu'l-celil alâ abdihi'z-zelîl fî beyâni mâ verede fi'l-istihlâf fi'l-cümü'ati mine'l-ekâvil” adlı risalesi Cuma günü hutbe okumak için birinin imam tarafından tayin edilme konusunu ele alır. Nitekim son dönem hanefi fakihlerinden İ bn Kemal Pa ş a, Molla Hüsrev, Hasen e ş - Ş ürünbülâlî gibi di ğ er bir ço ğ u bu konuda eser kaleme almı ş tır. Bu sahada telif edenlerden birisi de müellifimiz Nuh b. Mustafa el-Konevi’dir. Bu çalı ş masında, konu gere ğ i alimlerin görü ş lerini zikreder, kendisi ile ihtilafa dü ş en görü ş ü ilmi bir üslupla tartı ş arak analiz ettikten sonra tercih etti ğ i görü ş ü ortaya koyar. Sonuç olarak, hutbe ve namaz için ister özür olsun ister olmasın imamın cemaatten birini tayin etmesi meselesine cevaz verir. (shrink)

Buku ini dikarang untuk pembaca “awam” (seperti saya) oleh dua ilmuwan yang masing-masing sudah memiliki nama tersendiri karena banyak publikasi: Brian Thomas Swimme, seorang profesor kosmologi evolusioner di San Francisco, dan Mary Evelyn Tucker, seorang lektor dalam bidang studi lingkungan hidup di Yale, New Haven. Diilhami oleh mentor dan sahabat mereka, almarhum geolog dan teolog Thomas Berry, mereka bersama-sama menyusun suatu “kisah (epos) tentang munculnya alam semesta dan berkembangnya komunitas hidup, dengan menawarkan suatu visi baru tentang cara kita dapat menumbuhkan (...) semangat komunitas bumi.” (cover). Bab 1-4 mengisahkan kurang lebih sembilan milyar tahun perkembangan alam semesta, mulai dari Big Bang, eksplosi terang dan materi yang senantiasa meluas dan melalui suatu proses kreatif menggembleng materi yang kemudian akan menjadi miliaran galaksi. Dengan bahasa yang umumnya non-teknis, dan sangat indah, disertai dengan kepekaan terhadap tradisi-tradisi bangsa-bangsa manusia yang bermenung tentang alam raya, para pengarang berhasil menampilkan deretan kejadian yang dahsyat dan jauh itu menjadi suatu proses yang terasa menyangkut kita juga. Fokus mereka pada proses pembentukan bintang-bintang serta eksplosi-eksplosi bintang yang, baru sesudah 8-9 miliar tahun, memunculkan solar system kita, yakni matahari dengan planet-planet di sekitarnya, khususnya bumi kita yang mengalami suatu proses penyejukan dan pemadatan yang unik. Dalam proses jutaan tahun terbentuk atmosfir di sekitar bumi dan lautan-lautan yang menutupi sebagian besar permukaannya. Dengan energi yang berasal dari terang matahari dari jarak yang menguntungkan, dipersiapkan pentas untuk suatu tahap baru yang menakjubkan: munculnya hidup di bumi..................... Dalam bab 10-11 para pengarang mencari jalan keluar dari ketidak-seimbangan destruktif yang telah terjadi di bumi. Mereka mempermasalahkan pemikiran materialistis deterministis yang sejak Galileo, Newton, Descartes, dan lain-lainnya, menyerahkan materi yang dianggap mati begitu saja kepada kontrol manusia yang berakal budi. Apakah materi memang sepasif seperti dipikirkan filsafat itu? Kita sekarang dapat melihat dari miliaran tahun pembentukan alam semesta bagaimana di dalam materi pun ada dinamika mengatur diri (self organizing) dengan cara-cara yang tidak dapat diprediksi. Di tengah proses besar yang penuh kreativitas ini umat manusia ditantang mencari tempat dan perannya ke depan. Seperti bintang-bintang dan lautan-lautan telah memberi sumbangan tersendiri untuk jagat raya dan bumi, demikian juga miliaran manusia—sebagai garis depan evolusi sekarang—akan dapat membantu membuka jalan bagi sesuatu yang kini belum dapat diduga, asalkan manusia mau melepaskan genggaman kontrolnya atas yang lain dan dengan sikap kekaguman mau menjadi bagian dari komunitas bumi dan menyelaraskan diri dengan iramanya Ini cuma beberapa benang dari sebuah buku yang sangat kaya, inspiratif, dan mampu mengubah pandangan pembaca. Menurut hemat saya, buku ini juga secara mendalam bersifat religius, kendati tidak meminjam bahasa agama apapun. Kalau belum ada teerjemahannya dalam bahasa Indonesia, hendaknya diadakan terjemahan tersebut, dan bila mungkin dengan tetap menjaga keindahan bahasanya. (Martin Harun, Guru Besar Teologi emeritus, Sekolah Tingi Filsafat Driyarkara,Jakarta). (shrink)

Sugirtharajah, seorang pakar biblika kelahiran Sri Lanka, yang mengajar di Universitas Birmingham, U.K., dan dikenal sebagai godfather penelitian pascakolonial dalam bidang Alkitab, menambahkan suatu karya inovatif lagi pada daftar tulisan-tulisannya yang sudah sangat mengesankan. Perhatiannya untuk suara penafsiran pinggiran sudah diketahui dari karyanya yang paling terkenal, Voices from the Margin (1991). Meskipun Alkitab berasal dari Asia, namun kebanyakan peneliti-an tentang Alkitab dan juga tentang pengaruhnya sepanjang sejarah, terfokus pada Eropa dan Amerika, dengan meminggirkan Asia. Itu mendorong S untuk mengadakan penelitian (...) tentang Alkitab di Asia, khusus-nya sejarah penerimaannya. Ia menyadari bahwa dampak Alkitab terhadap kebudayaan Asia minim bila dibandingkan dengan pengaruhnya atas kehidupan dan kebudayaan di Eropa. Itu menjadi sangat tampak dalam uraiannya tentang peran Alkitab dalam sastra Asia (bab 7) di mana kutipan, tokoh, dan cerita Alkitab jarang muncul, dan bila ada, lebih banyak dipakai sebagai kritik terhadap kolonialisme Barat atau institusi kekristenan.... S mengakhiri tulisannya dengan menegaskan bahwa prinsip sola scriptura, Alkitab saja, tak punya pasar di Asia yang cenderung membaca Alkitab bersama dengan yang lain, Bhagavad Gita, Dhammapada, Analecta (mengapa di sini Alquran tak disebut S?). Hermeneutika Asia yang diselidiki oleh S, menolak kecenderungan kolonial yang ada baik dalam Alkitab sendiri dan lebih lagi dalam interpretasi kekristenan Barat: Kebudayaan dan masyarakat Asia tidak bergantung pada nilai-nilai kristiani untuk pemerintahan dan pengembangan yang baik.... Di Asia Alkitab adalah salah satu di antara banyak teks yang berwenang (hlm. 259). Tugas kita, menurut S, adalah membebaskan Asia dari klaim monopolistis kitab suci tertentu. Tugas ini mendesak di saat para fundamentalis dari semua agama memakai kitab sucinya untuk membenarkan kekerasannya terhadap yang lain. S bahkan mempertanyakan monoteisme yang dapat menekan perbedaan dan mengabaikan kemungkinan pusat-pusat yang banyak (p. 260). Ia tidak menganjurkan untuk kembali kepada penyembahan banyak dewa-dewi tetapi men-dorong kajian terhadap spirit politeistis yang mendorong toleransi, kemurahan hati, dan koeksistensi. Pembaca tentu bertanya: di mana sesungguhnya posisi S di medan diskusi pluralisme dan inklusivisme, berkaitan dengan cara dialog antaraagama, dan ditantang untuk memikirkan posisinya sendiri. S mengakui bahwa banyak hal mengenai Alkitab di Asia masih perlu diselidiki. Lima belas abad pra-kolonial dibicarakan dalam dua halaman saja. Alkitab yang oleh gereja Nestorian tanpa kekuatan apa pun disebarkan ke India, Sumatra, dan China cuma dihormati tetapi tinggal tidak diterjemahkan selama belasan abad; kabarnya hanya diketahui melalui liturgi. Ada pula kesan bahwa Asia dalam karya S terutama Asia Selatan dan Asia Timur. Asia Tengah (bekas bagian-bagian USSR) memang dari awal tidak dimasukkan dalam penelitiannya, tetapi juga Asia Barat Daya dan Asia Tenggara yang multi-agama hampir tidak disentuh. S mungkin tidak mengetahui beberapa penelitian tentang penerimaan Alkitab di Indonesia yang sudah dipublikasikan oleh Lembaga Alkitab Indonesia. Namun demikian, apa yang disajikan sungguh menarik dan penting, serta membuka mata dan jalan bagi penelitian yang lebih luas. (Martin Harun, Guru Besar Ilmu Teologi Emeritus, Sekolah Tinggi Filsafat Driyarkara, Jakarta). (shrink)