‘Heliodori Aethiopica, sive Fabula … complectens amores castos Theagenis et Chancleae Libris X quorum singuli, quoad initium et finem, cum editione Graeca Basil[iensi] MDXXXIV. 4. collati, cum ipsa penitus consentire comperti sunt.… ‘Codex Graecus Chartaceus Ms. in 8 Saec. XV plurimis in locis manu Saec. XVI suppletus. Constat foliis scriptis 211.’.

Der einzige aus Byzanz erhaltene (fast) vollständig illustrierte Historikertext ist nun endlich durch eine Facsimile-Ausgabe in Originalgröße der Forschung zugänglich, während das Original leider für immer dem Tresor anvertraut wurde. So war es dem Rezensenten auch nicht möglich, die farbliche Qualität der Ausgabe mit dem Original zu vergleichen. Auf diese Weise stehen nun auch alle Textteile und die verschiedenen Randscholien (die in der Ausgabe von Thurn nicht vermerkt sind) der paläographischen und kodikologischen Forschung zur Verfügung. Ein Rückgriff auf die Illustrationen (...) bei S. Cirac Estopañan (Barcelona-Madrid 1965) und A. Grabar – M. Manoussacas (L'Illustration du manuscrit de Skylitzès de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Madrid, Venedig 1979) und die in der Literatur fast gänzlich vergessene Teilausgabe von A. Božkov (Miniatjuri ot Madridskija rŭkopis na Ioan Skylica, Sofia 1972) sind nicht mehr nötig, sofern die mehr als 400 € teure Ausgabe erreichbar ist. (shrink)

Codex Parisinus graecus 1601 preserves an anonymous family chronicle covering the years 1446–1458 which records in some detail the dates of its author's marriage and the birth of his children. Apart from restoring some readings from its previous recent edition, this article proposes an identification of the anonymous author with Ioannes Kanaboutzes. A scholar with historiographical interests, he is documented as a native of Phocaea and close associate of the Gattelusio, the Genoese rulers of the adjacent island of (...) Lesbos. He is mostly known for his Commentary on Dionysios of Halicarnassus which he dedicated to Palamede Gattilusio, lord of Ainos and of Samothrace. (shrink)

Codex Marcianus Graecus 266 contains a declamation in the character of Paul speaking before the Athenian Areopagus that is attributed to the learned monk Sophonias. This previously unpublished text is valuable both as an example of late Byzantine rhetoric and as additional testimony to the Sophonias known through historical sources to have acted as a representative of Emperor Andronikos II Palaeologos and to whom a paraphrase of Aristotelian works is attributed. The text is introduced, edited and translated for (...) the first time. (shrink)

A scholium in codex Vaticanus graecus 156 provides evidence that Cassius Dio's Roman History once contained an explicit reference to the ludi saeculares of a.d. 204, something that has been denied in recent scholarship.

Introduction Codex Upsaliensis Graecus 8 contains a miscellany of Greek texts, mostly from the Byzantine period, ranging all the way from Stephanites et Ichnelates to botanical lexica. Among these varied texts is a collection of mathematical problems on ff. 324r–331r. We might compare it to other known Byzantine textbooks of mathematical problems, such as the following: the mathematical epigrams attributed to Metrodorus in the Greek Anthology (14:116–146); the papyrus found at Akhmim from the 7th or 8th century; Nicholas (...) Rhabdas' letter on mathematics to Theodore Tzabouches; an anonymous collection found in the 14th century cod. Par. Suppl. Gr. 387 (Vogel 1968); and another anonymous collection from the latter half of the 15th century found in cod. Vind. Phil. Gr. 65 (Hunger-Vogel). The collection in Uppsala most resembles these last two textbooks. (shrink)

The Corinthian Speech (Corinthiaca) in the corpus of Dio Chrysostom (Or. 31) is attributed to Favorinus (c.80–160) based on internal criteria of content and style. This article argues that a reference to an author of a Corinthian speech found in a collection of sayings in codex Vaticanus Graecus 1144 is a unique external reference to Favorinus as author of this speech.

In his inventory of the manuscript tradition of the homilies on the Transfiguration, Maurice Sachot stated that folios 46r-55r of the codex Parisinus graecus 1611 contain the homily In transfigurationem Domini (BHGn 1980a). He also stated that this text is unedited and that it is most probably a recension of the homily In transfigurationem Domini (CPG 5807; BHG 1980) attributed to Proclus of Constantinople. To date, however, this homily has remained unpublished and unstudied. After a brief presentation of (...) the codex Parisinus graecus 1611, this article brings to light a surprise that emerges from examining folios 46r-55r of the Parisian manuscript. CONTRIBUTION: The article proves that the homily In transfigurationem Domini (BHGn 1980a) is not a recension of the homily on the Transfiguration (CPG 5807; BHG 1980), but a compilation for which the beginning of the homily on the Transfiguration attributed to Proclus of Constantinople was used. (shrink)

The numerous manuscript fragments which were rediscovered in Saint Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai, in 1975 include eleven parchment folios inscribed with parts of all but one of Aristotle’s logical writings. As C. Brockmann has shown, the Organon codex to which these folios belong is the exemplar from which in the Codex Parisinus gr. 1843 the Prior and the Posterior Analytics were copied. In the present article it is shown that, in the latter manuscript, the Sinai manuscript also served as (...) exemplar for a small part of Aristotle’s Peri hermeneias (De interpretatione) and for his Topics, and that, in two other manuscripts, namely in the Codex Escorialensis Φ. III. 10 and the Codex Monacensis 222, the Categories and the whole of Peri hermeneias were copied from it. (shrink)

The following Addenda and some Corrigenda were derived for the most part from manuscripts examined in the summer of 1964 and in the spring and summer of 1965, 1967 at Bologna University ; London, British Museum ; Munich, Bayerische Staats-Bibliothek, Codex Latinus Monacensis ; Orlèans; Oxford, the Bodleian ; and Merton College ; Paris, Bibliotheque nationale , and University ; Tours; Vatican, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana ; and Vienna, National-Bibliothek . A number are noted from other sources, namely Silvestre (...) , Wickersheimer , et alia. They supplement the late Lynn Thorndike's “Additional Addenda et Corrigenda” in Speculum , and are here offered for the convenience of users of the Catalogue of Incipits. jQuery.click { event.preventDefault(); }). (shrink)

This article shows that Wilamowitz’ athetesis of the prefix κατα- in Pindar’s fr. 31 (= Aelius Aristides, In Defence of Rhetoric 420) is supported by the hitherto neglected Aristides manuscript Athous Iviron 163. In an attempt to interpret the fragment against the background of Aristides’ speech, I adopt an alternative reading (transmitted by the codex Vaticanus Urbinas graecus 123) that allows us to restore an otherwise rather awkward passage. Finally, I demonstrate that the myth of the gods asking (...) Zeus to create special deities to praise creation and its maker which is reflected in the Pindaric fragment has inspired Philo and Aristides alike: they both integrate it into their shared conception of the gift of logos as a means to offer thanksgiving to the divine through hymns of praise. (shrink)

For the purposes of the new text of Livy which Professor Conway and Professor C. F. Walters are preparing for the Oxford Series of Classical Texts, I undertook in 1908 to examine the Codex Leidensis, which contains Livy's first decade.

The National Library of France owns an uncommon illuminated manuscript of the Book of Job : the Parisinus graecus 135. Written in Greek in 1361/62, it is illustrated with a very large iconographic cycle , which combines Byzantine and gothic styles. The examination of the historical background allows us to bring forth the general meaning of the manuscript and to locate its origin with some probability in the Papal entourage and the Byzantine latinophile circles. The analysis of the iconographic (...) cycle of the manuscript shows that it is likely inspired by the theology developed in the literal commentary of Thomas of Aquinas on the Book of Job. Remarkably, this author is intensively translated in Greek in the middle of the fourteenth century in Byzantium under the aegis of the Emperor John VI Cantacuzenus. (shrink)

The adoption of the codex for literature in the Roman world was one of the most significant developments in the history of the book, yet remains poorly understood. Physical evidence seems to contradict literary evidence from Martial's epigrams. Near-total adoption of the codex for early Christian works, even as the book roll dominated non-Christian book forms in the first centuries of our era, has led to endless speculation about possible ideological motives for adoption. What has been unquestioned is (...) the importance of Christian scribes in the surge of adoption from 300 C.E. onward. This article reexamines the foundation of many theories, the timeline for non-Christian adoption sketched by Roberts and Skeat in their study, The Birth of the Codex, and reevaluates it through the lens of “diffusion of innovations theory” in order to reconcile the evidence and elevate practical considerations once and for all over ideological motives. (shrink)

The production of manuscripts can be an indication for the scientific, linguistic or medical interests of a community. In this paper the author argues that Parisinus Graecus 2293, a bilingual Greek-Arabic manuscript, containing parts of the first three books of Paul of Aegina's medical encyclopaedia, was produced in Sicily or Southern Italy, probably in Palermo during the reign of the Hohenstaufen. It is thus a testimony to the fervent scientific and medical interest of the Swabian court which promoted cultural (...) exchange between the East and the West. The purpose of the manuscript was not so much to help medical practice but rather to further bilingualism by giving the reader a tool with which he could improve his knowledge of either language. (shrink)

The present article offers a description and an analysis of the Liber Graecus, a manuscript register from Venice State Archive containing copies and translations of the documents sent from the Ottoman sultans to Venice between 1479 and 1504. Almost all the documents are in Greek, which until Bayazid II’s reign was the language used by the Ottomans in diplomatic communications with Western powers. Thanks to Liber Graecus not only we have a detailed account of Venetian-Ottoman relationships at the (...) turn of the 16th century, but also we learn more about the activity of the Venetian chancery and the role played by Greek scribes working there. (shrink)

God’s 21st-century message is to coexist. To the universal God, it is ultra-blasphemous for humans to fail to tolerate and respect the loving, compassionate religions of others and to condone violence done in the name of any religion. This edition represents Spiritual Humans seeking tolerance, a virtue not found in most world religions. To be tolerant is to be fair and open-minded about the religious and political beliefs of others, and to disagree without attempting to suppress those not in agreement. (...) We are trying to provide Spiritual Humans and Others with a way to promote respect and tolerance so all can help God to bring more peace to our planet Earth, now troubled by religious strife. Thirty-one million or more North Americans are spiritual but not religious. The MeetingHouse feels that those in faiths with more traditional religions will see a common meeting ground for our mutual beliefs about God. (shrink)

The most reliable manuscript of Statius' Achilleid is the Puteaneus , and its authority, against the group QKC, is frequently upheld only by the Codex Etonensis . The readings of this manuscript , which contains, apart from the Achilleid, Maximian, Ovid's Remedium Atnoris and other poems, were collated by C. Schenkl, Wiener Studien, iv , 96 ff., and were used by H. W. Garrod for the O.C.T. of Statius: Klotz in the Teubner 2nd edition merely notes the readings of (...) Schenkl and of the Oxford text. Unfortunately these are neither complete nor always accurate; and the latter should be corrected as follows: 1. In three passages the Oxford text differs from the reading of PEKQ without noting the fact: Ach. i. 145 Non superant is not, as implied, the MS. reading, but Havet's conjecture: PEKQ have nam superant. 306 PEKQ have impulsam , not impulsum. 680 PEKQ ibi, not ubi. (shrink)

The Heythrop Journal, Volume 63, Issue 4, Page 638-651, July 2022.

Professor J. van Wageningen has sent me a review of my fourth volume of Manilius which he has published in Museum vol. 28 pp. 173–7. I never contradict the taradiddles usual in reviews, because, if the reader thinks it worth his while, he can find out for himself whether they are true or no, and if he chooses to believe them without enquiry, it serves him right. But when he is fed with false information about a MS which is out (...) of his reach, he can do nothing to help himself, and may fairly claim to be protected. (shrink)