À travers l’étude du système à effet intégrateur de rituels et de cérémonials célébrant la présidente de l’UFF et de la FDIF Eugénie Cotton, promue en autorité universelle dont les vertus renvoient au modèle marial, le présent travail explore la mise en place dans le monde communiste de la guerre froide du versant féminin du culte du leader. Afin d’en saisir les spécificités par rapport à un phénomène historique dont la riche production historiographique des vingt dernières années consacre naturellement et (...) exclusivement la masculinité, y sont examinés plus particulièrement les circonstances qui lui donnèrent naissance, les temps forts qui scandent son cheminement, les mécanismes de sa diffusion et les glissements genrés opérés dans le processus de son invention. (shrink)

La présente recherche prend appui d’une part sur les textes viatiques d’un groupe de voyageuses françaises appartenant au milieu de l’enseignement secondaire féminin et d’autre part sur leurs dossiers personnels conservés aux Archives Nationales. Le profil socioprofessionnel de ces éducatrices commande le caractère spécifique de leur voyage (pays de destination, motif du voyage, contraintes temporelles et financières) et de son écriture (discours qui sous-tendent le récit). Par la publication de ces textes au début du xxe siècle un genre particulier de (...) narration est créé : le récit de “voyage universitaire” féminin. (shrink)

Cet ouvrage est le fruit de la collaboration féconde de deux spécialistes de l’histoire de l’éducation : Sidiroula Ziogou-Karastergiou, pionnière du versant féminin de cette discipline qui se développe en Grèce surtout à partir des années 1980, et Katerina Dalakoura, l’une des premières historiennes grecques à avoir ouvert le chantier dans la perspective du genre. L’ouvrage fait partie de la riche collection de livres électroniques universitaires grecs, constituée entre 2013 et 2015 dans le c...

Les concours d’entrée aux ENS de Sèvres et d’Ulm, comme les agrégations féminines (considérées comme inférieures à celles des hommes) sont des examens qui, ayant survécu jusque dans les années 1970 et 1980, attestent de l’existence d’un « genre des concours ». La question de la fusion des concours masculins et féminins est pour la première fois posée entre les deux guerres. La relecture de cette histoire permet de mettre en évidence les hésitations et les réticences qui ont voué pendant (...) plus de soixante ans le projet initial à l’échec. (shrink)

La présente recherche prend appui d’une part sur les textes viatiques d’un groupe de voyageuses françaises appartenant au milieu de l’enseignement secondaire féminin et d’autre part sur leurs dossiers personnels conservés aux Archives Nationales. Le profil socioprofessionnel de ces éducatrices commande le caractère spécifique de leur voyage et de son écriture. Par la publication de ces textes au début du xxe siècle un genre particulier de narration est créé : le récit de “voyage universitaire” féminin.

Eugénie Cotton est, à l’exception peut-être des ancien·nes communistes, une figure peu connue des historien·nes et du grand public, même si une modeste rue du 19e arrondissement de Paris porte son nom depuis la fin des années 1970 et lui rend hommage en la qualifiant de « docteur ès sciences, promotrice des droits de la femme ». La biographie que lui consacre Loukia Efthymiou, professeure de langue et littérature françaises à l’Université d’Athènes, et spécialiste d’histoire des femmes et (...) du... (shrink)

On the Paths of Anger : The Space-Time of a Revolt, Athens, December 2008. The aim of the article is to throw some light on a particular form of political conflict, one which has till now has been little explored in theoretical terms : insurrectional collective action. While the article is an examination of the « events of the Greek December », taking these events to be a typical expression of this sporadic mode of collective action, its primary task is (...) a conceptual one. Events of a similar nature are often interpreted as cases of rioting. Having first defined the notion of the « riot », the article then goes on to argue that the “Greek December” was not a “routine” riot, that it constituted a specific and conflictual mode of engagement in politics : insurrectional collective action. The article argues that the distinctive and determining factor is to be located in the process of propagation of the acts of rioting over a spatial span going far beyond the initial flashpoint. The process of diffusion cannot be apprehended if we fail to take into consideration three dimensions of a conflictual politics, which till then had been neglected : the emotional, the spatial, and the temporal. (shrink)

This article examines whether restrictions on access to welfare rights for EU immigrants are justifiable on grounds of reciprocity. Recently political theorists have supported some robust restricti...

Populists in the EU often call for restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights. These calls are often demagogic and parochial. This paper aims to show what exactly is both distinct and problematic with these populist calls from a normative point of view while not necessarily reducible to demagogy and parochialism. The overall aim of the paper is not to argue that all populists call for such restrictions nor to claim that all calls for such restrictions are populist. The (...) purpose of the paper is rather humble. It only aims to show that populist calls for restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights are characterised by two normatively problematic arguments that target two different subsets of the citizenry: what I dub for the purpose of this paper the moralists and the immoralists. It is the way populists address these two subsets of the citizenry, as well as the fact that they could simultaneously appeal to the concerns of both groups, that makes populist approaches to welfare rights both conceptually distinct to other approaches as well as potentially politically appealing to a more diverse population of voters. (shrink)

Defenders of current restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights in host member states often invoke a principle of reciprocity among member states to justify these policies. The argument is that membership of a system of social cooperation triggers duties of reciprocity characteristic of welfare rights. Newly arriving EU immigrants who look for work do not meet the relevant criteria of membership, the argument goes, because they have not yet contributed enough to qualify as members on the grounds of (...) reciprocity. Therefore, current restrictions on their access to welfare rights are justified. In this article, I challenge this argument by showing how restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights are inconsistent with duties of international reciprocity. There are different variations of this challenge, but my focus here will be on one that uses a veil of ignorance device to support this claim. What matters from a perspective concerned with international reciprocity, I will argue, is what kind of welfare policy EU member states would choose were they not to know whether those receiving EU migrants were net contributors or net beneficiaries to the relevant scheme of international cooperation made possible by the four freedoms, and freedom of movement in particular. I argue that framing the requirement of reciprocity in this way provides a more comprehensive understanding of what should count as an ‘unreasonable burden’ on the welfare systems of host member states. The paper also examines alternative accounts of ‘unreasonable burdens’. It shows when and how the current institutional structure of the EU could take steps to deal with such burdens by preventing member states from gaming a comprehensive system of welfare rights protections across member states and by recognising the achievements of those member states that best serve them. (shrink)

The article critically examines the neo-Republican conception of respect put forward by Philip Pettit in Robust Demands of the Good. The paper argues that Pettit’s treatment of respect as a rich good in RDG is too thin in some ways, but too rich in others. There are four critical claims to support this argument. First, that both invading the domain of basic liberties, and failing to protect and resource the capacity to exercise choice, constitute individually sufficient conditions for disrespectful treatment, (...) and that the protection and resourcing of basic liberties are both relevant domains over which an appropriate disposition is also necessary for the provision of the rich good of respect. Second, that it is unnecessary and undesirable to rely on local conventions to provide a specification of the treatment that the status of respect requires. Third, that providing respect as a rich good in conditions of reasonable pluralism implies treating minorities in a disrespectful way. Fourth, that the role given to law in supporting the provision of the rich good of respect leads to a difficult dilemma for Pettit: either the full enjoyment of respect is not possible in nearby worlds, or it is only possible in ideal conditions that are far from nearby worlds. (shrink)

Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.

The objective of Working Group 4 of the COST Action NET4Age-Friendly is to examine existing policies, advocacy, and funding opportunities and to build up relations with policy makers and funding organisations. Also, to synthesize and improve existing knowledge and models to develop from effective business and evaluation models, as well as to guarantee quality and education, proper dissemination and ensure the future of the Action. The Working Group further aims to enable capacity building to improve interdisciplinary participation, to promote knowledge (...) exchange and to foster a cross-European interdisciplinary research capacity, to improve cooperation and co-creation with cross-sectors stakeholders and to introduce and educate students SHAFE implementation and sustainability. To enable the achievement of the objectives of Working Group 4, the Leader of the Working Group, the Chair and Vice-Chair, in close cooperation with the Science Communication Coordinator, developed a template to map the current state of SHAFE policies, funding opportunities and networking in the COST member countries of the Action. On invitation, the Working Group lead received contributions from 37 countries, in a total of 85 Action members. The contributions provide an overview of the diversity of SHAFE policies and opportunities in Europe and beyond. These were not edited or revised and are a result of the main areas of expertise and knowledge of the contributors; thus, gaps in areas or content are possible and these shall be further explored in the following works and reports of this WG. But this preliminary mapping is of huge importance to proceed with the WG activities. In the following chapters, an introduction on the need of SHAFE policies is presented, followed by a summary of the main approaches to be pursued for the next period of work. The deliverable finishes with the opportunities of capacity building, networking and funding that will be relevant to undertake within the frame of Working Group 4 and the total COST Action. The total of country contributions is presented in the annex of this deliverable. (shrink)