Introduction -- A significant life -- Constructing a methodology -- The method under assault -- Politics as practice -- Political theory as political practice -- Conclusion.

A study of Carl Schmitt as a critic of modern liberalism and as a defender of the national state. The book addresses the major criticisms raised against Schmitt's understanding of politics, appealing to those interested in German politics, political theory and international relations.

1. Bd. Die Relativitätstheorie fällt : physikalische, philosophische, wissenschaftssoziologische und allgemeinverständliche Korrektur : hundert Jahre Kultus des Irrtums sind genug -- 3. Bd. Die Urknalltheorie fällt.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain (...) in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

Gottfried looks at Schmitt as a critic of modern liberalism and as a defender of the national state who carefully examined Western historical and political traditions. Challenging the view that Schmitt was a mere polemicist who set out to subvert "German Democracy", Gottfried's work argues instead, that Schmitt criticized liberal democracy from a highly liberal reflective position that combined analytical depth with staggering erudition. This new source also provides a useful bibliography on secondary literature dealing with Carl Schmitt's (...) work. (shrink)

Hugh Murray's comments on the civil rights movement recall Marge Schott's badly received observations on the Nazi regime. Murray is also describing something that turned out badly but which he insists began well. Contrary to Murray and Dinesh D'Souza, whose book he reviews, the continuities of the Civil Rights Movement and affirmative action policies are more significant than its alleged turning points. Affirmative action as a practice goes back to the last year of the Johnson administration, but some civil rights (...) leaders supported it before. As early as 1965, Martin Luther King, Jr., whom D'Souza elevates to a cultic figure, advocated the preferential treatment of blacks under a vastly expanded state apparatus. (shrink)

A striking characteristic of today's American education is its acquiescence to public administration. Evidence for this is that proposals for better-funded private education never show how private schools can be kept free of government control. In California, Wisconsin, Michigan and other states, battle lines have been drawn over plans to give public subsidies to students attending private schools. In this confrontation, teachers' unions, public employees, and Left liberals stand predictably on the one side, libertarians and the Christian Right on the (...) other. Vouchers and tax relief have been the remedies offered for the public school monopoly of government funding—a situation…. (shrink)

Praised by President Richard Nixon as his favorite read for 1987, _The Search for Historical Meaning_ presents the postwar American conservative movement against a background of ideas with which it has only rarely been identified. This important book—updated with a new preface—examines the influence of Hegelian concepts on the historical attitudes and cultural judgments of prominent postwar conservatives who, because of their concern with personal freedom as a political and ontological value, denounced Hegel while ascribing their own Hegelian ideas to (...) less offensive sources. Gottfried argues that the lack of a true historical perspective was a serious defect in the postwar American conservative movement, and it grew worse in the years that followed. Essential reading for conservative thinkers, political philosophers, and American political historians, _The Search for Historical Meaning_ concludes with an incisive examination of the American conservative movement that has implications for today. (shrink)

There are two main reasons for pairing these posthumously published essays of Paul Piccone (1940–2004) with those of Panajotis Kondylis (1943–1998). One, both of these authors, who died in the last few years, were my friends, whose lives moved along much the same general trajectory as my own. None of us could be described as an academic luminary; although neither Paul, who mentored later successful professors, nor Panajotis, who called himself a “Privatgelehrter,” periodically associated with Heidelberg and the (...) University of Athens, had as close an association as I've had with a long-term academic post. These brilliant social thinkers spent…. (shrink)

In Promised Land, Crusader State, Walter A. McDougall traces the stages in the evolution of American foreign policy from the country's founding. Focusing on two biblical images, the Hebraic notion, picked up from the Puritans, of a godly society removed from a world of sinners, and a militarized Christian mission to convert the heathens, if necessary by the sword, McDougall shows how the second image has come to replace the first for American international relations.1 The most recent phase of these (...) relations is “global meliorism,” a tendency McDougall finds to be ascending since the 1960s. It is vividly exemplified by…. (shrink)

Rick Johnstone's plea for liberal federalism and a supranational mechanism for enforcing “human rights” is reminiscent of what Thomas Hobbes said about “Christian commonwealths.” Behind their appeal to universal morality and religious doctrine was the frenzied attempt to shift rule “from Christian kings and sovereign assemblies absolute in their own territories” to “one Vicar of Christ, constituted of the universal church, to be judged, condemned, or deposed, or put to death as he shall think expedient, or necessary, for the common (...) good.” Johnstone is proposing or justifying a similar shift of authority for existing sovereign states to self-appointed vicars of…. (shrink)

A heavily documented case for Carl Schmitt's theological preoccupations can be found in a recent work by the Italian philosopher Massimo Maraviglia, La penultima guerra: Il katechon nella dottrina dell'ordine politico di Carl Schmitt. Maraviglia, an eminent bibliographer of philosophical writings and the editor of the scholarly website Ekpyresis, sets out to disprove that Schmitt was an amoral positivist who seized on religious thinking as a fig leaf for his fixation on power. According to some interpreters, Schmitt lost interest over (...) time in fitting his political theory into a religious framework, despite his longtime identification with the Catholic Zentrumspartei. Maraviglia…. (shrink)

The Human Project: The Year 2000, by Nicola Abbagnano. Translated byBruno Martini and Nino Langiulli, edited by Nino Langiulli. Amsterdam andNew York: Rodopi, 2002. xxv+162 pp. $30.Time Consciousness: The Philosophical Uses of History, by Gabriel Ricci.New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2002. xlvii+192 pp. $59.95.

Following his teacher, Stephen Holmes, in this book John P. McCormick sets out to vindicate the “liberal” tradition against the “stunning critiques” of one of liberalism's allegedly most dangerous opponents—the very embodiment of “illiberalism”—Carl Schmitt.1 To make his case, McCormick relies primarily on Schmitt's least sympathetic commentators. In the process, however, he makes a number of errors. Moreover, he brands Schmitt's critique of liberalism “fascist,” by constructing fascism as “the dark side of liberalism.” Thus it becomes impossible to distinguish a (...) fascist anti-liberal, which Schmitt was not, from a critic of liberalism, which he was. McCormick claims to find in…. (shrink)

Reminiscences -- Robert Nisbet : conservative sociologist -- Defining right and left -- The problem of historical connections -- Liberal democracy as a God term -- Origins of the state -- Reexamining the conservative legacy -- Whig history revisited -- The European Union election, 2014 -- The English Constitution reconsidered -- Redefining classes -- Did Mussolini have a Pope? -- Heidegger and Strauss : a comparative study -- Explaining Trump.

Reminiscences -- Robert Nisbet : conservative sociologist -- Defining right and left -- The problem of historical connections -- Liberal democracy as a God term -- Origins of the state -- Reexamining the conservative legacy -- Whig history revisited -- The European Union election, 2014 -- The English Constitution reconsidered -- Redefining classes -- Did Mussolini have a Pope? -- Heidegger and Strauss : a comparative study -- Explaining Trump.