El presente trabajo busca acercarse al problema del exilio como categoría jurídico-política. Con esta finalidad, se hace un recorrido sobre la noción misma de exilio en tanto pena desde sus orígenes en el derecho romano arcaico. Interesa de modo particular ver el lugar que esta institución punitiva ha tenido en la política latinoamericana, tanto en el momento de su constitución política bajo la forma de Estado-nación, como en las últimas dictaduras militares de la región. En vistas a desarrollar un análisis (...) filosófico situado, se revisará el modo en que se instituyó jurídicamente el exilio durante los últimos periodos dictatoriales, especialmente en el caso de Argentina y Chile. (shrink)

Resumo: Alguns eventos políticos transcorridos em um passado recente de uma nação, como uma ditadura militar, que perdurou durante vinte e quatro anos, produzem sequelas aparentemente invisíveis, com sintomas cuja origem é difícil de ser diagnosticada. A dificuldade desse diagnóstico está na razão de que, para muitos, a ditadura militar ocorrida em solo brasileiro se aproxima do não-Ser de Parmênides: impensável e indizível, algo que simplesmente deve ser esquecido. Mas como reconciliar-se com o nosso passado e construir bases sólidas de (...) uma nova democracia se não falamos e refletimos sobre nossas mazelas fomentadas, fundamentalmente, em “nossos campos”, nos porões dos DOPS? O presente artigo tem como objetivo refletir acerca de algumas características constitutivas da ditadura militar brasileira, transcorrida entre os anos de 1964 a 1988, balizada pelos conceitos de estado de exceção, vida nua e campo do filósofo italiano Giorgio Agamben. A pesquisa se justifica, uma vez que, em nosso entendimento, aproximar a ditadura militar brasileira com tópicas da filosofia política de Agamben, nos dota de importantes ferramentas argumentativas que nos auxiliam na compreensão do que se passou no Brasil em seus “anos de chumbo”.: Some political events passed in the recent past of a nation, as a military dictatorship, which lasted for twenty-four years, produce aparently invisible sequels, with symptoms whose origin is difficult to be diagnosed. The difficulty of this diagnosis is the reason that, for many, the military dictatorship that took place on Brazilian soil approaches the not-Being of Parmenides: unthinkable and unspeakable, something that should just be forgotten. But how to reconcile with our past and build solid foundations of a new democracy if we do not talk and reflect on our ills fostered mainly on "our fields", the holds of the Departments of Political and Social Order? This article aims to reflect on some constitutive features of the Brazilian military dictatorship, elapsed between the years 1964 to 1988, buoyed by the state of emergency concepts, bare life and field of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben. The research is justified since, in our view, approaching the Brazilian military dictatorship with topical political philosophy of Agamben, endows us with important argumentative tools that help us understand what happened in Brazil in his "years of lead". Key words: Brazilian military dictatorship, Giorgio Agamben, state of exception, bare life, field. (shrink)

This study looks at some of the traits that characterized Argentina’s scientific and university policies under the military regime that spanned from 1976 through 1983. To this end, it delves into a rarely explored empirical observation: financial resource transfers from national universities to the National Scientific and Technological Research Council (CONICET, for its Spanish acronym) during that period. The intention is to show how, by reallocating funds geared to Science and Technology, CONICET was made to expand and decentralize to (...) the detriment of universities. This was the primary tool used by the military regime to thwart higher education’s research development, bolstering research efforts at other realms. Thus, CONICET grew in budget, number of researchers, and staff size, creating new research institutes, while national universities struggled with reduced funding and were forced to shut down their institutes and programs. As a result, CONICET virtually concentrated all scientific research, foregoing the knowledge accumulated at universities, which drove a wedge between both institutions. This military approach to science and technology policy-making is discussed, bearing in mind the notion of dependence—both in terms of the state’s intervention in the inner workings of the scientific-university field as well as regarding the role played by international financial support in scientific research development. (shrink)

Dictatorships destroy intellectual freedom, yet universities need it. How, then, can universities function under dictatorships? Are they more a support or a danger for the system? In this volume, leading experts from five countries explore the many dimensions of accommodation and conflict, control and independence, as well as subservience and resistance that characterized the relationship of universities to dictatorial regimes in communist and fascist states during the twentieth century: Nazi Germany, Mussolini’s Italy, Francoist Spain, Maoist China, the Soviet (...) Union, and the Soviet bloc countries of Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, and Poland. Comparisons across these cases reveal that the higher-education policies of modern dictatorships were characterized by a basic conflict of aims. On the one hand, universities were supposed to propagate reigning ideology and serve as training grounds for a dependable elite. Consequently, university autonomy was restricted, research used for political legitimation, personnel policies subjected to political calculus, and many undesired scholars simply put out on the street. On the other hand, modern dictatorships needed well-educated scientists, physicians, teachers, and engineers for the implementation of their political, economic, and military agendas. Communist and fascist leaders thus confronted the basic question of whether universities should be seen primarily as producers of ideology and functionaries loyal to the party line or as places where indispensable knowledge was made available. Dictatorships that opted to subject universities to rigorous political control reduced their scholarly productivity. But if the institutes of higher learning were left with too much autonomy, there was a danger that they would go astray politically. Besides the editors, the contributors are Ruth Ben-Ghiat, Michael David-Fox, Jan Havránek, Ralph Jessen, György Péteri, Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer, and Douglas Stiffler. (shrink)

In a wide-ranging, provocative anatomy of modern society and its origins, novelist and historian John Ralston Saul explores the reason for our deepening sense of crisis and confusion. Throughout the Western world we talk endlessly of individual freedom, yet Saul shows that there has never before been such pressure for conformity. Our business leaders describe themselves as capitalists, yet most are corporate employees and financial speculators. We are obsessed with competition, yet the single largest item of international trade is a (...) subsidized market in armaments. We call our governments democracies, yet few of us participate in politics. We complain about "invasive government," yet our legal, educational, financial, social, cultural and legislative systems are breaking down. While most observers view these problems separately, Saul demonstrates that they are largely manifestations of our blind faith in the value of reason. Over the last 400 years, our "rational elites" have gradually instituted reforms in every phase of social life. But Saul shows that they have also been responsible for most of the difficulties and violence of the same period. This paradox arises from a simple truth which our elites deny: far from being a moral force, reason is no more than an administrative method. Their denial has helped to turn the modern West into a vast, incomprehensible, directionless machine, run by process-minded experts - "Voltaire's bastards"--Whose cult of scientific management is bereft of both sense and morality. Whether in politics, art, business, the military, entertainment, science, finance, academia or journalism, these experts share the same outlook and methods. The result, Saul maintains, is a civilization of immense technological power whose peoples increasingly dwell in a world of illusion. Already known to millions of readers as the author of novels which portray the overwhelming effects of this power on the modern individual by weaving together international finance, the oil and arms business, guerrilla warfare, drug traffic, and the world of art, here Saul lays aside the mask of fiction to speak in his own voice. Only by withdrawing from our addiction to "solutions," he argues, reclaiming the citizens' right to question and participate in public life, and recovering a common sense capacity for intelligent panic, can we find a way out of our permanent crisis. (shrink)

Resumen: Este artículo reflexiona acerca de la producción artística y literaria chilena que surge en la década del 70, en la que se estrecha la relación entre fotografía y literatura, colaboración que se incrementa a mediados de los 80. Las imágenes fotográficas son trasladadas al campo artístico por medio de operaciones intermediales que plagan de nuevos significados la escena artístico-literaria nacional. Estas convergen como señales disruptivas en la construcción de un texto híbrido, que al mismo tiempo enriquecen los cruces palimpsésticos (...) y mutables entre la fotografía y la literatura chilena. Con el recurso de las imágenes fotográficas, en textos como De la tierra sin fuegos de Juan Pablo Riveros, se reconstruyen escenarios donde algunas problemáticas histórico-sociales son discutidas y confrontadas, como sucede con el genocidio indígena de la Patagonia austral y con la dictadura militar chilena.: This article reflects on the Chilean literary and artistic production that begins around the 70’s, where the relationship between photography and literature was strengthened; this relationship increased by mid-80. Photographic images are transferred to the artistic field through intermedial operations that plague the national literary scene with new artistic meanings. These disruptive signals converge in the construction of a hybrid text, and at the same time, enrich palimpsestic and mutable crosses between photography and literature. With the use of photographic images, texts such as De la tierra sin fuegos by Juan Pablo Riveros reconstruct scenarios where certain historical and social issues are discussed and confronted, such as the indigenous genocide of Southern Patagonia and the Chilean military dictatorship. (shrink)

Machiavelli is the first modern political thinker who pays great attention to the magistracy of dictatorship. “Dictatorial authority,” as he puts it, is fundamental to the survival and prosperity of republics: It is the magistracy, the “ordinary mode,” to which they turn to deal with “extraordinary accidents,” political and military emergencies. Machiavelli's gaze is cast both on the Ancient and the Modern world: Although he concentrates on the Roman magistracy, he also pays attention to magistracies of the modern world (...) that were in some way similar, such as the Council of the Ten in the Republic of Venice. In my paper, I will attempt to reconstruct the essential points of Machiavelli's discussion on dictatorship; in the concluding remarks, I will briefly tackle the more general question of the relationship between politics and law in his work as a whole. (shrink)

O presente artigo visa analisar a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil, em específico, como se deu a deliberação de apoio da entidade ao golpe. Para tanto, foi necessário analisar as peculiaridades da recepção do regime autoritário no então Território Federal do Amapá, o Movimento Estudantil de forma ampla, os aspectos constitutivos da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, suas divisões e seu desenvolvimento diante do golpe. O objetivo com isso, foi traçar (...) as correspondências existentes entre esses aspectos e as ações de apoio que se sucederam em nome da entidade. O artigo baseou-se em fontes bibliográficas sobre o tema e em depoimentos cedidos pela Comissão Estadual da Verdade do Amapá, disponibilizados durante a construção do relatório publicado no ano de 2017. Dentre os resultados, foi possível visualizar que a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá foi bem mais do que um apoio ao regime militar, mas fora heterogênea, e teve sua trajetória ligada a características do território, ao poder, ao regionalismo, às classes e muitos outros aspectos que influenciaram a tomada de decisões de grupos dentro da entidade. This article aims to analyze the performance of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil, specifically, how the deliberation of support of the entity to the coup took place. For that, it was necessary to analyze the peculiarities of the reception of the authoritarian regime in the then Federal Territory of Amapá, the Student Movement in a broad way, the constitutive aspects of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students, its divisions and its development in the face of the coup. The objective was to trace the correspondence between these aspects and the support actions that followed on behalf of the entity. The article was based on bibliographic sources on the subject and on testimonials provided by the Amapá State Truth Commission, which were made available during the construction of the report published in 2017. Among the results, it was possible to visualize that Amapá Union of Secondary Students performance was much more than a support to the military regime, but it had been heterogeneous and had its trajectory linked to characteristics of the territory, power, regionalism, classes and many other aspects that influenced the decision making of groups within the entity. (shrink)

Are there situations where military coups can be considered justified, such as the overthrow of a collapsing, genocidal dictatorship? I argue that under certain circumstances there is an opening for “just coups.” I propose a theoretical assessment of coups based on an adaptation of just war theory. I bring the comparative literature surrounding civil–military relations into conversation with the literature on just war theory in order to develop a theory of just coups. By adapting the categories of just (...) war theory into jus ad coup, jus in coup, and jus post coup, I show that these categories create a framework for understanding the ethical status of coups. Doing this gives us a more subtle understanding of the problem of coups and lets us understand how a hypothetical just coup may be possible. (shrink)

In this work we are going to study the political category of exile related to Southern Cone military dictatorships. It also will be introduced a kind of art state of the art of the principal problem in philosophy´s field, and the epistemological bases that support this research will be clarificated, specially the concept of a priori antropológico. In order to that, it will be an aproach to the notion of exile separating it from other similar categories. The next (...) step is introducing the exile´s problema in an specific histórico-political context, to finally seek for refugee’s voices, that through their testimonies will allow an experincial approach to the probleme. (shrink)

The article highlights the origins of Freudian thought as the germ of the advent of psychoanalysis and, in particular, the discovery of the unconscious as one of the disruptive effects that changed the course of human history. The writing suggests that Freud’s Jewishness, in post-Enlightenment Europe in the 19th century, enabled an intellectual formation capable of sustaining political impulses that were not always explicit in the history of psychoanalytic theory. By retracing the path of building ties with the polis, established (...) by the first generations of European analysts, in the so-called Red Vienna of the 1920s (Danto, 2019), the authors articulate links between psychoanalysis and politics. Finally, they discuss the symptomatic effects of the erasure of the political dimension, through the supposed neutrality of the psychoanalytic movement in Brazil and, especially, in the context of the Brazilian dictatorship. (shrink)

As the military dictatorship was being imposed on Poland, Enrico Berlinguer declared: “The model set in motion by the October revolution has run out of steam.” I would add: “The Yugoslav model of that archetype (otherwise progressive and meaningful), symbolized by Stalin's break with Tito in 1948 even though it actually began with Tito's break with Stalin a year or two later, ran out of steam in terms of its ability to generate innovation among the people and to motivate (...) and mobilize them as early as the end of the 1960s.” Ever since then, the Yugoslav system has been caught in a vicious circle. (shrink)

Molecular Revolution in BrazilFélix Guattari and Suely Rolniktranslated by KarelClapshow and Brian HolmesYes, I believe that there is a multiple people, a people of mutants, apeople of potentialities that appears and disappears, that is embodied in social, literary, andmusical events.... I think that we're in a period of productivity, proliferation, creation, utterlyfabulous revolutions from the viewpoint of this emergence of a people. That's molecular revolution:it isn't a slogan or a program, it's something that I feel, that I live....--from MolecularRevolution in (...) BrazilFollowing Brazil's first democratic election after two decades of militarydictatorship, French philosopher Félix Guattari traveled through Brazil in 1982 with Brazilianpsychoanalyst Suely Rolnik and discovered an exciting, new political vitality. In the infancy of itsnew republic, Brazil was moving against traditional hierarchies of control and totalitarian regimesand founding a revolution of ideas and politics. Molecular Revolution in Brazil documents theconversations, discussions, and debates that arose during the trip, including a dialogue betweenGuattari and Brazil's future President Luis Ignacia Lula da Silva, then a young gubernatorialcandidate. Through these exchanges, Guattari cuts through to the shadowy practices of globalizationgone awry and boldly charts a revolution in practice.Assembled and edited by Rolnik, MolecularRevolution in Brazil is organized thematically; aphoristic at times, it presents a lesser-known,more overtly political aspect of Guattari's work. Originally published in Brazil in 1986 asMicropolitica: Cartografias do desejo, the book became a crucial reference for political movementsin Brazil in the 1980s and 1990s. It now provides English-speaking readers with an invaluablepicture of the radical thought and optimism that lies at the root of Lula's Brazil. Félix Guattari, post-'68 French psychoanalyst and philosopher, is the author of Anti-Oedipus, The Anti-Oedipus Papers, 2006), and other books. Semiotext haspublished the first two volumes of his complete essays, Chaosophy and Soft Subversions, and will publish the final volume, Chaos and Complexity, in 2008. Suely Rolnik is apsychoanalyst, cultural critic, and curator who lives and works in São Paulo, Brazil. She was aclose collaborator of Guattari during her exile in Paris from the military dictatorship inBrazil. (shrink)

The subject of this paper is to deep in the way that Guzmán planned to make effective social participation in an authoritarian context like Pinochet's Chile (1973-1990). We will see how Guzmán considered civil participation as an essential requirement in order to get a modern democracy which would be opened in Chile after the military dictatorship. He supported this idea through the concepts of subsidiarity State and liberal economy policy.

This article aims to examine the racialized forms of violence enacted by contemporary border regimes by rethinking border deaths as “forced disappearances." Although “forced disappearance” is often associated with military dictatorships, I extend it to border control policies that push migrants beyond the pale of the law, make it difficult to find out about their fates or whereabouts, and render their lives disposable. In thinking about border deaths as forced disappearances, I move beyond the strictly juridical meaning of (...) this term and foreground its phenomenological resonances to inquire into the conditions of appearance and disappearance, including the social structures, normative orders, and representational frameworks that make and unmake one’s relations to the world and other living beings. To undertake such an inquiry, I engage with Frantz Fanon's works and examine how borders establish racialized partitions among both the living and the dead. The analysis highlights how certain elements of colonialism—spatial compartmentalization, racial immobilization, routinized violence, legalized lawlessness—reappear within border governance. It also points to the crucial role that law plays in legitimizing racialized state violence in border control. (shrink)

"El cuerpo es siempre un inconveniente", sostiene Susan Sontag sobre la convicción de que es antes un espacio de sufrimiento que de placer. Los avatares de la enfermedad trazan una taxonomía en la cual la responsabilidad del sujeto parece seleccionar las fallas orgánicas. Sobre la conducta irresponsable y apasionada de los travestis chilenos, Pedro Lemebel establece en Loco afán un catálogo de degradación corporal articulado con un lenguaje barroco. El efecto del SIDA en los años 80 y 90 sobre los (...) cuerpos marginales es una "colonización por el contagio" que traslada a la crónica arrabalera las torturas impuestas desde los 70 por la dictadura militar chilena que Roberto Bolaño convierte en performances gore en el relato descarnado de Estrella distante. Allí los aspectos góticos de la corporeidad decadente encuentran una formulación futurista en que la crueldad resulta alentada. En la complementariedad y la tergiversación de las estéticas, el cuerpo se desintegra en un espectáculo que combina lo grotesco y lo fúnebre. "Body is always an inconvenient", writes Susan Sontag on the conviction that it is an space of suffer rather than pleasure. The alternatives of illness trace a taxonomy in which the responsibility of the individual seems choice the organic failures. On the Chilean transvestites' irresponsive and passionate behavior, Pedro Lemebel establishes in Loco afán a catalog of body degradation articulated with baroque language. AIDS' effect in the 80 and 90 on marginal bodies is a "colonization by the contagion" that moves the torture imposed by Chilean military dictatorship since the 70 to the suburban chronicles that Roberto Bolaño makes performances gore in the discarnated narrative Estrella distante. There the gothic aspects of decadent corporality find a futurist formulation in which cruelty is encouraged. In complementarity and distortion of aesthetics, the body is disintegrated in a show combining the grotesque and the funeral. (shrink)

Hearing the news from South America at the turn of the millennium can be like traveling in time: here are the trials of Pinochet, the searches for "the disappeared" in Argentina, the investigation of the death of former president Goulart in Brazil, the Peace Commission in Uruguay, the Archive of Terror in Paraguay, a Truth Commission in Peru. As societies struggle to come to terms with the past and with the vexing questions posed by ineradicable memories, this wise book offers (...) guidance. Combining a concrete sense of present urgency and a theoretical understanding of social, political, and historical realities, State Repression and the Labors of Memory fashions tools for thinking about and analyzing the presences, silences, and meanings of the past. With unflappable good judgment and fairness, Elizabeth Jelin clarifies the often muddled debates about the nature of memory, the politics of struggles over memories of historical injustice, the relation of historiography to memory, the issue of truth in testimony and traumatic remembrance, the role of women in Latin American attempts to cope with the legacies of military dictatorships, and problems of second-generation memory and its transmission and appropriation. Jelin's work engages European and North American theory in its exploration of the various ways in which conflicts over memory shape individual and collective identities, as well as social and political cleavages. In doing so, her book exposes the enduring consequences of repression for social processes in Latin America, and at the same time enriches our general understanding of the fundamentally conflicted and contingent nature of memory. A timely exploration of the nature ofmemory and its political uses. (shrink)

The scene takes place in O'Higgins Park, in Santiago, Chile, on 1 October 1995. Some women have just taken their place on the stage and the enthusiastic audience is applauding, the women have started singing accompanied by a guitar, but they cannot be heard, for the audience is still applauding. One of the women gets up. Like the others, she is wearing a white blouse and a long black skirt, she is old and her hair is grey. She moves to (...) the front of the stage, chooses her place and stops, her eyes search the horizon but do not wander aimlessly, her eyes are fixed somewhere between the here and the hereafter. When she finds what she is looking for, she raises her right hand to wave a white handkerchief, and the dance begins. The audience, suddenly attentive, watches. And what do they see? Not the woman alone on the stage, but the empty space which she traces. The empty space disturbs us, as Chilean spectators, because the cueca, the national folklore dance, is danced by two people, or it is not danced at all. The invisible other is invoked by this woman's every gesture and we do not smile when faced with the absence of her man because we have a premonition that she is not pretending, we have a premonition that she can see him. The image of women dancing alone has become one of the symbols of the struggle of the families of the disappeared under the dictatorship of General Pinochet. The families are commemorating, on 1 October 1995, the twentieth anniversary of their organization into an association in 1975. The term “the disappeared” has progressively become accepted to indicate the victims of a novel, coercive practice in Chile, since the coup d’état on 11 September 1973. The forced disappearance of people differs from political assassination, as Amnesty International never ceases to indicate in the various reports which it commissions on them. In the Chilean case, this speciality is in part due to the security system which has taken on the responsibility of destroying all organized opposition to the military dictatorship: the DINA, the intelligence service created by the military junta, which is only answerable for its actions to the junta. More fundamentally, the special character of disappearance is due to the invisibility of the victim's body and to the doubt that this invisibility arouses within the victim's family circle: the disappeared is not identified as dead because his death is never certified, on the other hand his sudden and unexplained absence indicates that he is a person in danger and that this danger extends to all those who notice his absence. (shrink)

The article analyses the problems raised by the decision of the European Community to «freeze» its relations with Greece following the military takeover on 21 April 1967. The author first outlines the main features of the development of the attitude adopted by Community institutions during the military dictatorship, then attempts to define the economic and political impact of the Community position. He goes on to examine whether the «day-to-day management» of the Agreement influenced the speeding-up of the new (...) Greek government. We know that the Treaty of Accession was signed on 28 May 1979 in Athens. According to the author, the role played by the Community in the seven yearsof the «freeze» was an important factor in speeding up Greece's request for accession. (shrink)

It has been argued that economic development and democracy create new opportunities and resources for women to access political power, which should increase gender equality in politics. However, empirical evidence from previous research that supports this argument is mixed. The contribution of this study is to expand the research on gender equality in politics through an in-depth examination of the effect of development and democracy on gender equality in cabinets. This has been completed through separate analyses that include most of (...) the countries in the world across three levels of development and across different types of political regimes. The results demonstrate that economic development and democracy only affect gender equality in cabinets positively in a few environments. Accordingly, the context is important and there seem to be thresholds before development and democracy have any effect. Development has a positive effect in developed countries and in democracies, but it has a negative effect in dictatorships, and the negative effect is strongest in military dictatorships. The level of democracy has a positive effect mainly in dictatorships, and the strongest effect is in civilian dictatorships. The article demonstrates the importance of dividing samples into subsets to increase understanding of what affects women's representation in cabinets in different environments, and I ask scholars to subset samples and run separate analyses more often in comparative studies. (shrink)

Religion plays a vital role in the formation of conscience and therefore is very important in determining how people co-exist in a society. Nigerian citizens live in regions other than their ethnic geographical areas, but they are not recognised as people of the same destiny and subjects of equal rights. The long period of military dictatorship that truncated the country’s democracy since the civil war gave Nigerians a constitution which adopted the Sharia legal system within a purported secular state. (...) This encouraged a wide range of religious fanaticism and led to various demands for human rights, which has become a worrisome issue to concerned Nigerians. This article used secondary sources of data, such as newspaper publications and journal articles to examine the impact of religion on the state of the Nigerian nation today. The article calls for the harmonisation of Christianity and Islamic teachings in line with the secularity of the Nigerian state in order to reduce the increasing tensions in the country and make the journey to nationhood more realistic.Contribution: This article proposes that the secularity of the Nigerian state has to be maintained by political and religious leaders in order to attain purposeful nationhood and achieve sustainable and genuine development of the country. (shrink)

Molecular Revolution in BrazilFélix Guattari and Suely Rolniktranslated by Karel Clapshow and Brian HolmesYes, I believe that there is a multiple people, a people of mutants, a people of potentialities that appears and disappears, that is embodied in social, literary, and musical events.... I think that we're in a period of productivity, proliferation, creation, utterly fabulous revolutions from the viewpoint of this emergence of a people. That's molecular revolution: it isn't a slogan or a program, it's something that I feel, (...) that I live....--from Molecular Revolution in BrazilFollowing Brazil's first democratic election after two decades of military dictatorship, French philosopher Félix Guattari traveled through Brazil in 1982 with Brazilian psychoanalyst Suely Rolnik and discovered an exciting, new political vitality. In the infancy of its new republic, Brazil was moving against traditional hierarchies of control and totalitarian regimes and founding a revolution of ideas and politics. Molecular Revolution in Brazil documents the conversations, discussions, and debates that arose during the trip, including a dialogue between Guattari and Brazil's future President Luis Ignacia Lula da Silva, then a young gubernatorial candidate. Through these exchanges, Guattari cuts through to the shadowy practices of globalization gone awry and boldly charts a revolution in practice.Assembled and edited by Rolnik, Molecular Revolution in Brazil is organized thematically; aphoristic at times, it presents a lesser-known, more overtly political aspect of Guattari's work. Originally published in Brazil in 1986 as Micropolitica: Cartografias do desejo, the book became a crucial reference for political movements in Brazil in the 1980s and 1990s. It now provides English-speaking readers with an invaluable picture of the radical thought and optimism that lies at the root of Lula's Brazil. Félix Guattari, post-'68 French psychoanalyst and philosopher, is the author of Anti-Oedipus, The Anti-Oedipus Papers, 2006), and other books. Semiotext has published the first two volumes of his complete essays, Chaosophy and Soft Subversions, and will publish the final volume, Chaos and Complexity, in 2008. Suely Rolnik is a psychoanalyst, cultural critic, and curator who lives and works in São Paulo, Brazil. She was a close collaborator of Guattari during her exile in Paris from the military dictatorship in Brazil. (shrink)

Northeast Brazil has been targeted for remedial projects to combat drought for more than 100 years, although drought mitigation policies have been mostly ineffective in reducing vulnerability for the majority of the population. In this paper I review some of the historical and contemporary approaches to drought mitigation and examine the efficacy of mitigation through the aperture of contemporary clientalism and the persistence of asymmetric power relations in democratic Brazil. Although the abertura , political opening, and end of a 20-year (...) military dictatorship allowed for improved civil and political rights and public demonstrations, this 'low-intensity' democracy has had few social and economic reforms that have hampered elite interests, minimized inequity, or empowered the poor. Patronage continues to be the dominant tool for survival, especially in the drought-ridden Northeast, where access to scarce state services is extremely competitive and personal connections determine or facilitate access. (shrink)

The IMF, World Bank, and former colonial powers have put pressure on African countries to adopt multiparty democracy. Because of this pressure, many formerly one‐party states as well as some military dictatorships have embraced Western and Parliamentarian democratic forms. But does this mean that democracy has succeeded in Africa? Ernest Wamba‐dia‐Wamba of the University of Dar‐es‐Saalam and CODESRIA argues that embracing Western paradigms in an unthinking fashion will not bring real democracy, i.e. people's liberation. He advances criticisms of (...) party politics and statism, and suggests that African palaver and people's movements are a surer site of political action. In his criticisms of representative government he parallels the thoughts and criticism of Hannah Arendt. Arendt advocated a council system that shares many of the attributes of African palaver communities. By consulting the criticisms of Arendt and Wamba‐dia‐Wamba, we can see that an easy optimism about the multiparty system is unfounded. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Conflict, Culture, Change: Engaged Buddhism in a Globalizing WorldMarwood Larson-HarrisConflict, Culture, Change: Engaged Buddhism in a Globalizing World. By Sulak Sivaraksa. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2005. 145 pp.Sulak Sivaraksa's Conflict, Culture, Change is a useful if uneven collection of essays that touch on many of the basic aspects of Engaged Buddhism. The book does not make an original contribution to the field, yet it serves as a good introduction (...) to the tenets and practice of socially responsible Buddhism.Though not as prolific as Thich Nhat Hanh or the Dalai Lama, Sulak Sivaraksa's contributions as a grassroots organizer and spokesperson are widely recognized, and he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for his resistance to Thailand's military dictatorship. His few books bear witness to the ways that he and similar peacemakers have found innovative methods to prevent globalization from destroying traditional ways of life.It does not seem entirely relevant to criticize a book that is so well intentioned and written by such an exemplary human being. Nonetheless, Conflict, Culture, Change is an odd collection of essays. Most have been published elsewhere, and taken together they tend to be repetitive. They are loosely grouped into three sections; the first two—"Peace, Nonviolence, and Social Justice" and "Simplicity, Compassion, and Education"—lay out a range of ways that classic Theravada Buddhist values could bring sanity to a world out of balance, discussing global conflict, nonviolence, reconciliation, consumerism, and environmentalism. What ties them together is the use of Buddhist ideas to analyze and respond to current problems, but the ensuing discussion does not progress beyond an introductory level. While it is certainly true that the onslaught of capitalism is traceable to the three poisons (greed, hatred, and ignorance) and that sincere humility on the part of world leaders would help facilitate global diplomacy, [End Page 166] this kind of analysis will probably not convince anyone who is not already a fellow traveler.Indeed, some scholars have waited for the leaders of Engaged Buddhism to articulate a more consistent philosophical basis for their praxis. In some ways, this criticism is ironic. After all, the energies of Engaged Buddhism are appropriately directed toward action and not theory, and Sivaraksa and others rightly criticize the single-minded pursuit of meditation unless it is balanced by an active response to social problems. Sivaraksa is careful to balance these dimensions, arguing that either one without the other is unable to bring about real change. He also combines classical Buddhist concepts with modern approaches—liberation theology, for example. What is needed, in this regard, is a more sustained exploration of where precisely traditional Buddhism can be supplemented by modern critical discourse without losing its nature as a dharma-based soteriology. On the other hand, if Sivaraksa's book were more focused on practical steps and concrete agendas, it could have served as a blueprint for organizers. That it does neither philosophy nor pragmatics limits its shelf life.A third section, "Culture and Change," is the book's most coherent, focusing on Thailand and the rise and fall of its dictatorships and the decline of Thai Buddhism. Sivaraksa's many stories attest to an all-too-common dynamic in South Asian Theravada countries: monks becoming politically powerful and their spiritual discipline waning. Sivaraksa also finds reason for hope: some Buddhists have remained true to the values of simplicity and humility, and new movements have arisen to help the old culture resist the new. At times his descriptions seem, at least to the Western reader, to border on a romantic nostalgia for an agrarian, temple-centered past, when monks were the revered authorities in their villages and families sent their sons to be ordained early. Now, he points out, many monks have VCRs and air conditioning and sleep on "soft, fluffy mattresses." Sivaraksa's book vividly conveys the cultural memory of rural Thailand to the West, and one would want all CEOs of multinational companies to read these stories before they set about modernizing the Thai countryside. Yet modernity cannot be uninvented; there can be no return to the simplicity of yesterday. After an extended chapter describing how the Thai elites' fascination... (shrink)

This paper compares two normative theories of education in Chile, one centered in the republican tradition, mainly in the XIX and partly in the XXth century, and the other imposed by the military dictatorship and who uses the market freedom and the market efficiency as justificatory devices. The republican theory argues in favor of a central role of the state in the design of a public, universal, obligatory and tuitionless educational system, understood as essential to the formation of citizens (...) in common and to the construction of an egalitarian society. One can think of education, in this perspective, as a common property, a public good of which nobody can, in principle be excluded. To the market theory, education is conceived as a consumer good –or, in another version, as an investment– who means high rates of return to individual users and for that reason must be paid by them. From another perspective, a private system of education is justified in terms of the freedom to offer educational goods in the market, and the freedom to choose this goods by theconsumers. In Chile an educational system very similar to the republican one, has existed till 1973. This system has had a relatively peaceful coexistence with private education in all levels. In current discussions on education, this mixed system is considered a good thing. The paper argues that this coexistence is no more possible with the actual market model who seeks to exclude any other system, which is incompatible with a strong public system of high quality and who points therefore to the destatisation of all education. (shrink)

ArgumentThe process of institutionalization of Political Science in Brazil was conditioned by the country’s position in the geopolitical scenario proper to the Cold War, strongly affected by the influence of the USA and, later on, by the military dictatorship experienced between 1964 and 1985. The first Brazilian professionalized political scientists were, during their youth, anti-Stalinist revolutionary militants. They had been financed by the Ford Foundation to pursue their PhDs in the USA. In this paper, I argue that the north-American (...) model of ideological war included governmental and non-governmental institutions. Among the latter, the FF played a crucial role because it had a lot of credibility in state bureaucracy and was able to captivate the potential copartners, who would benefit from its grant, even the anti-American ones. The FF was able to do so because it was keeping a distance from the bellicose image of the USA. In this way, because Brazilian youngsters were leftist, the FF was interested in financing their studies. And, because they belonged to the anti-Stalinist left, they were more open than the communists and wouldn’t oppose to exchange with the USA. (shrink)

This article reconstructs the genesis of the formulation and writing of Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire, his most important and best known work. It also reconstructs, historically, the trajectory of the editions, with emphasis on the first ones, especially the one held in Brazil, due to its prohibition imposed by the military dictatorship that had been installed in April 1964 and that had banned Paulo Freire from the country. Even after his death in May 1997, there are (...) people – fortunately few and registered in the universe of fascist neoconservatism – who continue to attack Paulo Freire's work, evidently demonstrating that they do not know it. In the celebrations of the centenary of the birth of the Brazilian educator, already in 2020, manifestations and events are taking place on all continents, not only in a clear demonstration of the reaction against displeasure to the author of Pedagogy of the Oppressed, but also revealing the relevance of the Freirian legacy, therefore, its actuality for contemporary education, in all its modalities and degrees. (shrink)

The essay attempts to outline the historical ideological ties between Spain and its former Latin American colonies, with the main accent on the period following Spain’s and most of Latin America’s conversion to democracy in the wake of the fall of the Franco regime and other Latin-American military dictatorships. The author offers a detailed analysis, focusing especially on the democratic, decidedly pro-European and left-liberal government in Spain and its impact on Latin America, most of which today shows clear (...) leftist tendencies. Also discussed are Latin-American reflections on universalism. (shrink)

After South Asia won its flag-independence from Britain, Pakistani artists pursued two distinct strategies for the shared goal of producing art in the service of national liberation. A group of communist artists sought to innovate new cultural forms to serve movements of the left, while others endeavoured to recover the pre-colonial Islamicate culture of South Asia to serve state-building efforts. During the Zia coup in 1977, protest poetry and art of the Pak Tea House, Lahore’s art and literary salon, inspired (...) resistance against the military dictatorship. This protest was framed not merely against the military dictatorship, but also against US imperialism more broadly. By examining Walter Rodney’s and Frantz Fanon’s ideal role of the postcolonial artist or intellectual, I show how the role of art in leftist politics was rethought in the aftermath of the Zia coup by the artists and leftists who frequented the Pak Tea House. What the discussions about politically engaged art that took place in the Pak Tea House during the Zia Coup reveal is that novelty and abstraction are important strategies in creating art that can combat imperialist dictatorships. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Socially Engaged BuddhismBrian KarafinSocially Engaged Buddhism. By Sallie B. King. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2009. 192 pp.In a chapter on the philosophical and ethical foundations of the socially engaged Buddhist movement, Sallie King retells a story from the Burmese liberation struggle against military dictatorship. The story was originally told by Aung San Suu Kyi (b. 1945), the Burmese Buddhist activist who is one of the several (...) representative figures (heroes and heroines) of King’s synoptic account of the modern tradition of Engaged Buddhism. An activist against the dictatorship, Uncle U Kyi Maung, being interrogated by officers of military intelligence as to why he had joined the National League for Democracy, the organization headed by Aung San Suu Kyi, Uncle Maung replied: “For your sake” (p. 32).This story of Buddhist resistance can stand as a representative anecdote for King’s useful history of Engaged Buddhism. The context is one of political oppression and torture, abuse of human rights and repression of democracy, and the attempt to respond to this historical situation from a perspective rooted in the traditional Buddhist spirituality of Asia in a fashion that makes that spirituality relevant to the crises of modernity. The interrogated activist responds to the threat of torture with courage rooted in a Buddhist spiritual practice, and thus is able to assert a political stance grounded in a compassionate recognition of his interdependence with the so-called enemy who is temporarily holding power over him. This constellation of factors illustrates the phenomenon of Engaged Buddhism: It is a form of Buddhist spirituality, not a departure from tradition but an application of traditional ideas—of compassion, interdependence, impermanence, no-self, karma, and others—to the modern period, and specifically to a modern Buddhist Asia riven by war, political oppression, ecological crisis, and capitalist globalization in economics and culture. [End Page 215] This application of Buddhist spirituality to modern Asian (and global, though King’s focus is on Asia) history represents an alternative form of politics, and specifically of political resistance: nonviolent, nonadversarial, rooted in indigenous Asian cultures rather than imported from the West (as would be the case with the various Marxist and liberal political ideologies also at play in the colonial and postcolonial period that saw the development of engaged Buddhism). This is a political resistance, in King’s presentation, grounded in compassion rather than justice, and thereby offering to global observers a significantly different slant on modern politics than the Western ideologies and movements, secular as well as religious.“Engaged Buddhism” as a term, says King, was coined by Thích Nhất Hạnh (b. 1926) in the context of the war in Vietnam. This was to be a form of Buddhism that drew on the traditional sources (wisdom that knows interdependence/emptiness and compassion that acts on that wisdom) but found skillful means to intervene concretely in the multiple crises related to the war: in the form of social service work including education, but also political activism to address the underlying causes of the war. King demonstrates with this example of Thích Nhất Hạnh and Vietnam the combination of traditional Buddhist ideas with modern contexts of practical application that characterize the movement as a whole. The template of the “four noble truths” is foundational to Thích Nhất Hạnh’s thought—suffering, its causes, the cessation of suffering and the path to that cessation. But in a world of war and political oppression the causes of suffering cannot be only located intra-psychically—yes, the afflictive mental states of greed, hatred, and delusion are the ultimate sources, but the deluded collective hatred that issues in war must be seen as a relatively autonomous factor calling for its own analysis and response. If the orphans of a bombed-out village can be said to suffer from afflictive mental states it is really the minds of those carrying out the bombing who must be transformed, and this obviously requires intervention into the political realm, given that the war makers are not themselves usually willing to sit down and explore the causes of their unskillful behavior. Hence, engaged Buddhism is Buddhism in... (shrink)

RESUMEN La dictadura militar de Augusto Pinochet produjo serias dificultades para el trabajo filosófico en Chile. Sin embargo, la suspensión o ausencia de lo político causada por la dictadura, cuyas secuelas persisten hasta la actualidad, motivó en un grupo de filósofos chilenos una especial preocupación por lo político. De este modo, en sus reflexiones es observable una asunción consciente y explícita de su lugar de enunciación, lo que les confiere un marcado carácter testimonial y un talante crítico. ABSTRACT The (...) class='Hi'>military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet created serious difficulties for philosophical work in Chile. Nevertheless, the suspension or absence of the political caused by the dictatorship, whose consequences can be observed until the present, sparked a special concern regarding the political in a group of Chilean philosophers. Their reflections evince a conscious and explicit acknowledgment of their locus of enunciation, which gives their work a marked testimonial and critical stance. (shrink)

RESUMEN El presente trabajo busca demostrar cómo el reconocimiento y estudio de las narrativas exiliares de mujeres podrían otorgar nuevos registros analíticos y reflexivos al campo de trabajo filosófico sobre castigo político. Para ello, en principio, se lleva a cabo un recorrido por sus orígenes clásicos, griego y romano, destacando que, si bien el exilio ha variado a lo largo de los siglos, hay ciertos elementos constitutivos que se mantienen en sus aplicaciones contemporáneas. Esto lleva a observar el modo en (...) que estos elementos constitutivos del exilio se hacen presentes de una manera particular en la escritura narrativa exilar de mujeres -especialmente en las de las últimas dictaduras cívico-militares del Cono Sur latinoamericano-. Reconocer e incluir estas narrativas experienciales de mujeres en un corpus textual y analítico altamente masculinizado permitiría nuevos acercamientos y proyecciones reflexivas al campo de estudios filosóficos sobre el exilio. ABSTRACT This paper seeks to demonstrate how the recognition and study of women's exile narratives could bring new analytical and reflexive registers to the field of philosophical work on political punishment. In order to do this, first of all, a review of its classical, Greek and Roman origins is made, pointing out that, although the exile has varied over the centuries, there are certain constituent elements that are maintained in its contemporary applications. This leads us to observe the way that these constitutive elements of exile are present in a particular way in women's exile narrative writing -especially those of the last civil-military dictatorships of the Latin American Southern Cone. To recognise and include these women's experiential narratives in a highly masculinised textual and analytical corpus allows for new approaches and reflexive projections to the field of philosophical studies on exile. (shrink)

The Cold War, extended from the popularization of its name in 1947 to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, functioned a bipolar order in which the White House and the Kremlin set the pace of events. In accordance with the decentralization of the axis of the shock [1], both superpowers chose to avoid direct confrontation and based their strategy on a kind of tactical movements carried out by third parties. The direct consequence was the creation of a breeding (...) ground in developing countries, victims of the competitiveness of both executives and in the specific case of Latin America, in a succession of political disorders that alternated the birth of revolutionary movements and the imposition of military dictatorships. (shrink)

Taking into account the symbolic universe of the civic-military dictatorships of the Southern Cone as a context, this article seeks to reflect on the aesthetic and political implications of the figuration of the diva in the performance of local artists, through the case of Ney Matogrosso and his reappropriations of Carmen Miranda. From a feminist theoretical orientation in a postcolonial key, it is possible to suspect that the figuration of the diva is strategically infiltrated in its performance, from (...) a network of aesthetic superposition that aim to destabilize the dominant symbolic order, rendering porous the boundaries between masculine and feminine, the political and the spectacular. The relevance of this study lies not only in the attempt to shed light on this “parody tinsel gesture” from its possible aesthetic effects, but also to contribute to the unexplored field of its political implications in the Latin American context. (shrink)

This article explores the experiences of the revolutionary-left opposition in the People’s Republic of Poland, a bureaucratic post-capitalist state established after WWII. It draws heavily upon Andrzej Friszke’s research concentrated on the 1960s, when post-1956 oppositional activity emerged and had an impact on the public sphere. The aim of this article is to present Marxist and revolutionary trends within oppositional circles mainly via the political trajectory of two important figures associated with revolutionary Marxism during the ‘People’s Poland’ of the 1960s, (...) Jacek Kuroń and Karol Modzelewski, and their later attitudes during the military dictatorship and the restoration of capitalism in Poland. It also focuses on Kuroń and Modzelewski’s relations with Ludwik Hass, a controversial Polish Trotskyist, and Trotskyism as a political doctrine; and the 1980s’ general tendency toward workers’ democracy in factories, before the advent of martial law implemented by General Wojciech Jaruzelski in December 1981. (shrink)

The subject of this paper is to deep in the way that Guzmán planned to make effective social participation in an authoritarian context like Pinochet's Chile (1973-1990). We will see how Guzmán considered civil participation as an essential requirement in order to get a modern democracy which would be opened in Chile after the military dictatorship. He supported this idea through the concepts of subsidiarity State and liberal economy policy.

De 1964 a 1985 o Brasil viveu sob um regime de governo ditatorial que de acordo com a historiografia mais recente foi sustentado, em grande parte, pela própria sociedade civil (MELO, 2012; COMISSÃO, 2014). Mais recentemente, a partir dos anos 1980, cresce o movimento de criação de espaços de memória corporativos com o objetivo de tornar pública a trajetória histórica das empresas (COSTA; SARAIVA, 2011). Dentre estes espaços, adquire relevância os Centros de Memória e documentação como lugares de armazenamento e (...) lembrança de memória organizacional, que ajudam a construir simbolicamente a imagem organizacional e a fornecer um senso de coerência e trajetória linear (RIBEIRO; BARBOSA, 2007). Neste contexto, e com base na documentação disponibilizada pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade, a presente pesquisa tem por objetivo identificar como o Museu Histórico da Fundação Bradesco retrata (ou deixa de retratar) o relacionamento da empresa Bradesco com o governo brasileiro no período da ditadura civil-militar. FIRMS, BRAZILIAN CIVIL-MILITARE DICTATORSHIP, AND MEMORY AND CORPORATIVE DOCUMENTATION CENTERS: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY From 1964 to 1985, Brazil lived under a dictatorial system of government that according to the latest historiography was sustained largely by civil society (MELO, 2012; COMISSÃO, 2014). More recently, since the 1980s, it is possible to be noticed the growing movement of creation of corporate memory spaces in order to make public the historical trajectory of the companies (COSTA and SARAIVA, 2011). Among these spaces, acquires relevance the Corporate Documentation and Memory Centers, which help to symbolically build the organizational image and to provide a sense of consistency and linear trajectory (RIBEIRO and BARBOSA, 2007). In this context, and based on documentation provided by the National Commission of Truth, this research aims to identify how the History Museum of Bradesco Foundation portrays (or does not portray) the relationship between Bradesco company and the Brazilian government in the period of civil-military dictatorship. (shrink)

ArgumentThis paper analyzes the political dimension of Miguel Masriera's (1901–1981) science popularization program. In the 1920s, Masriera worked at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) in Zurich – with Hermann Staudinger, the luminary of polymer chemistry – to later become a lecturer of theoretical and physical chemistry at the University of Barcelona. After living in exile in Paris, at the end of the Civil War he returned to Spain but never recovered his position. Instead, Masriera became an active popular (...) science writer and adapted to the severe constraints of General Franco's military dictatorship (1939–1975). Inspired by the astronomer Arthur Eddington's world view, Masriera wrote and translated popular science books, and published articles in daily newspapers and journals. By examining Masriera's popular works, in particular his program for spreading “atomic culture” in Spain during the Cold War, this paper aims to contribute to the assessment of the role of science popularization in the domestic legitimization of that dictatorial regime and also its use as a vehicle for international recognition abroad. (shrink)

Apresenta-se nesse texto as repercussões do Concílio Vaticano II na Igreja particular de Goiás. A fidelidade ao Concílio produziu efetiva participação de todos – presbíteros, religiosas e religiosos, leigos e leigas. Tomando como referências a vivência e experiência de pastor nessa diocese (1967-1998) e diversos estudos, Dom Tomás mostra os aspectos mais relevantes dessa história: as assembléias diocesanas, com participação de leitos (1968); as CEBs e a concretização da opção pelos pobres; as Escolas Bíblicas; a defesa da posse da terra, (...) a Comissão Pastoral da Terra - CPT e o enfrentamento da ditadura militar; a causa indígena; o ecumenismo; o exercício da colegialidade; a articulação dos bispos comprometidos com as CEBs na CNBB; o problema da Visita Apóstólica na diocese; apresenta ainda um balanço de erros e conflitos; e finalmente, relata o Sínodo diocesano (1995) e seus objetivos: 1) Avaliar a situação concreta do povo, seus sofrimentos e suas lutas, para se ter uma visão mais clara da realidade; 2) Julgar à luz da Palavra de Deus;. 3) Desenvolver com mais clareza a missão da nossa Igreja dentro dessa mesma realidade. Palavras-chave : Concílio Vaticano II. Diocese de Goiás-Brasil. Participação. Colegialidade. Abstrat This article written by Archbishop Tomás Balduíno presents the impact of Vatican II in the particular Church of Goiás, emphasizing that the loyalty to the Council produced effective participation of priests, religious and lay people. Given his experience as a pastor in this diocese (1967-1998) and several studies, Bishop Thomas shows the most relevant aspects of this story: the diocesan assemblies, with the participation of lay people (1968); the CEBs and realization of the option for the poor; the Bible Schools; the defense of land tenure, the Pastoral Land Commission - CPT and the facing of the military dictatorship; the indigenous cause; ecumenism; the exercise of collegiality; the articulation of the bishops committed to the CEBs in CNBB; the problem of apostolic visit in the diocese. The article also presents a balance of errors and conflicts, and finally reports the diocesan Synod (1995) and its objectives: 1) Evaluate the concrete situation of the people, their sufferings and their struggles to get a clear picture of reality; 2) To make the judgment of reality in light of the word of God; Develop more clearly the mission of our Church in this reality Keywords : Vatican II. Diocese of Goiás-Brazil. Participation. Collegiality. - DOI: 10.5752/P.2175-5841.2011v9n24p1341. (shrink)

Fourty years ago, more than 190 Latin American bishops, attended by the newly elected Pope John Paul II, were gathered for the III General Conference of the Latin American Episcopate in Mexico, in Puebla de Los Angeles, between January 27th and February 13th, 1979. For Paul VI, The purpose of celebrating the 10th anniversary of Medellin was to translate his Apostolic Exhortation Evangelii Nuntiandi to Latin America: from “evangelization in the contemporary world” to “Latin America’s evangelization in the present and (...) in the future”. The context was very disturbed for social, economic, cultural and political reality, as well as for the religious situation. Military dictatorships, torture, death and disappearance of thousands of people, resistance guerrillas, the emergence of neoliberalism, the right and neo-pentecostalism, and the election of a pope who lived under communist persecution in Poland, this was the environment that affected the Conference. In this moment of four decades celebration of this important event, the purpose of the article is to make memory of the socio-political and ecclesial context, besides recovering out two themes that are associated with the authors research: youth and education. The method is defined as content and document analysis, so it is bibliographic in nature. The conclusions show how the dynamics of the context acted in the essay of the document. And, despite of this, it was possible to move forward in some jagged aspects - youth and education - which also presented their limitations. An important “preferential option for young people” was defined as one of the pastoral priorities, and education was defined as one of the means for communion and participation. (shrink)

This article aims to examine the relevance of counter-information productions developed during the military dictatorship in Brazil by religious groups. The object is the journal Paz e Terra, by Editora Civilização Brasileira in the 1960s, as a unique initiative in the field of religious, ecumenical and political communication. In order to respond to the Research problem “what is the place of the journal Paz e Terra in the memory of religious media productions in Brazil?” the article refers its basis (...) in studies on “memory supports” and “sites of memory” are based. The articulation between the narrative of the memory of Paz e Terra and the description of the content of the ten published issues, which form the methodology of the research employed, was made based on the collection of the magazine, in documentary research, in statements of characters involved, collected during the research project for a Master’s Degree in Social Memory by the author, and in works about Editora Civilização Brasileira and its editor Ênio Silveira, about the Protestant leaders involved in the project and about the journal itself. This text seeks to contribute to the expansion of approaches to studies in media and religion in Brazil, broadening the focus of critical analysis centered on contemporary productions and applying the referential key of memory. (shrink)

Aesthetics is not a subject usually associated with North Korea in Western scholarship, the usual tropes being autocracy, counterfeiting, drugs, human-rights abuse, famine, nuclear weapons, party-military dictatorship, Stalinism, and totalitarianism. Where the arts are concerned, they are typically seen as crude political propaganda. One British museum specialist writes that North Korean visual art is an "art under control," and one Russian historian insists that North Korean literature is devoid of the "beauty of language."1 As the short turns of phrase (...) and value judgments indicate, there has been no real attempt in English to engage the North Korean aesthetic on descriptive terms.North Korea is not a liberal .. (shrink)

Religion plays a vital role in the formation of conscience and therefore is very important in determining how people co-exist in a society. Nigerian citizens live in regions other than their ethnic geographical areas, but they are not recognised as people of the same destiny and subjects of equal rights. The long period of military dictatorship that truncated the country's democracy since the civil war gave Nigerians a constitution which adopted the Sharia legal system within a purported secular state. (...) This encouraged a wide range of religious fanaticism and led to various demands for human rights, which has become a worrisome issue to concerned Nigerians. This article used secondary sources of data, such as newspaper publications and journal articles to examine the impact of religion on the state of the Nigerian nation today. The article calls for the harmonisation of Christianity and Islamic teachings in line with the secularity of the Nigerian state in order to reduce the increasing tensions in the country and make the journey to nationhood more realistic. CONTRIBUTION: This article proposes that the secularity of the Nigerian state has to be maintained by political and religious leaders in order to attain purposeful nationhood and achieve sustainable and genuine development of the country. (shrink)

Criado en un aluvión migratorio italiano y peronista seguí las transformaciones en el país de constantes pujas entre la religión, la educación y las intervenciones externas que me llevaron al exilio, resultado primero de los fanatismos franquistas de España que alimentaba las alucinaciones y el empe..

Em 1978, os governos militares ditatoriais da Argentina e do Chile estavam à beira da guerra por conta do controle sobre três ilhas a leste do canal Beagle. As insatisfações e controvérsias, de ambos os lados, remontavam a tratados quase centenários. O artigo analisa a produção intelectual e os usos da história nas duas décadas antecedentes à “Crise do Beagle”, demonstrando a construção dos pontos de discórdia: o “expansionismo chileno” e a arbitragem internacional e de que forma estes foram aceitos (...) e disseminados entre civis e militares envoltos pelos pensamentos da Guerra Fria.The construction of a crisis: the uses of history by Argentinean intellectuals and the contest of treaties with Chile in the 1960s and 1970s In 1978, the military dictatorships of Argentina and Chile were close to war. The tension was around the control of three islands east from the Beagle Channel. Insatisfactions and polemics, on both sides, remained to treaties signed one century ago. The paper analyses the intellectual production and the uses of history on the two decades before the “Beagle Crisis”. It presents the construction of the points of conflict: the “Chilean expansionism” and the international arbitrament. It also presents how it was acepted and circulated between civil and the military envolved in the Cold War logics. Resumen La construcción de una crisis: usos de la historia por intelectuales argentinos en la contestación a los tratados con Chile en las decadas de 1960 y 1970 En 1978, los gobiernos de las dictaduras militares de Argentina y Chile se preparaban para la guerra por el contról sobre tres islas a este del canal Beagle. Las insatisfaciones y controversias, de ambos los lados, volvian a tratrados casi centenários. El articulo analisa la producción intelectual y los usos de la história en las dos decadas anteriores a la “Crisis del Beagle”, demonstrando la constucción de los puntos de discórdia: el “expansionismo chileno” y la arbitraje internacional y de que forma estos fueron aceptos y disseminados entre civiles y militares que vivian en los pensamientos de la Guerra Fria. (shrink)