The article presents the first edition of the Chapters on the purity of the soul written by the patriarch of Constantinople, Callistus I , with an italian translation and commentary. Many themes of the Chapters are related to the byzantine ascetical tradition and the teaching of Callistus' spiritual father, Gregory the Sinaite. Others are connected to the theological discussions of the period and the polemics of the patriarch against Nicephorus Gregoras.

This paper gives a critical edition of the Treatise on the Easter Computus of Barlaam of Seminara, with a French translation and commentary. Written around 1333 this treatise demonstrates systematically and scientifically why the Easter Canon used at that time by the Church is superseded. Nevertheless Barlaam advises that the usual Canon should not be changed. In spite of its objectivity, Barlaam's treatise must be seen in the context of his rivalry with Nicephorus Gregoras, who had already proposed (...) to modify the Canon. The paper analyses Gregoras' text and gives a comparison with Barlaam's treatise. At the scientific level, both scholars rely on Ptolemy for the date of the spring equinox and the length of the Solar year, but Barlaam introduces a supplementary argument, which is the inexactness of the 19 year cycle. (shrink)

Was the Byzantine thinker Nicephorus Blemmydes directly influenced in his views about human “proairesis” by the Stoic Epictetus or did he take over his views from the Neoplatonic Simplicius? After exploring Blemmydes’ reception of Epictetus, one can say that Blemmydes drew elements in a brief treatise under the title “De virtute et ascesi” from the mainly Neoplatonic Simplicius, who commented on the handbook by the Stoic Epictetus. Blemmydes, following Simplicius identifies “φ’ μν” with “aftexousion” and he designates “proairesis” as (...) an activity, which emanates from “aftexousion”. Blemmydes shows the moral power of “proairesis” as a transforming factor of human existence and the mediatory factor to the dialectical relation between man and God. For the completion of the study, the following sources have been used: Blemmydes’ De virtute et ascesi, Epictetus’ Handbook, and Neoplatonic Simplicius’ commentaries on the Handbook. I specifically focus on the views of Aristotle, Epictetus, and Neoplatonic Simplicius about “proairesis” and compare the views of Blemmydes to Simplicius’ ideas. I conclude that Blemmydes drew ideas from Simplicius, with regard to human “proairesis” and in the context of the practising and cultivating virtues in everyday life. (shrink)

Syrgiannes Palaiologos Philanthropenos played a leading role in the conflicts between factions of the Byzantine aristocracy in the 1320s and 1330s. The most important historians of the period, Nikephoros Gregoras and John Kantakouzenos, depict a rather negative picture of the personality of Syrgiannes. He is portrayed as an overambitious individual who constantly plots against the throne. He is seen as a perjurer whose actions prove that he has no moral constraints and does not hesitate to betray his friends. This (...) image has influenced modern scholarship which to a large extent uncritically accepts this negative image of Syrgiannes without taking into consideration the biases and contradictions of the narratives of Gregoras and Kantakouzenos. The cross-examination of the information provided by these two historians indicates that a large part of their account of the activities of Syrgiannes and his motives should be treated cautiously. (shrink)

Dva pjesnika, hrvatski Nikola Šop i slovenski Gregor Strniša – premda ih razlikuje pripadnost epohi i miljeu – imaju zajednički nazivnik: obojica su metafizički pjesnici i, u toj pjesničkoj dimenziji, obojica se bave relativnošću vremena i prostora, to jest vremenitošću i bezvremenošću, prostornošću i besprostornošću, koje nisu ništa drugo nego sinonimi za pojmove ljudskog i božanskog. Obojicu pjesnika dubinski motiviratraganje za Posljednjom Istinom. U Šopa ta potreba vuče porijeklo iz njegove osobne tragedije, iz strahovite nesreće koja ga je onesposobila na (...) gotovo trideset godina života i duboko mu obilježila vjeru, nagnavši ga da traga za Bogom novim putovima teologije, filozofije i kozmologije. Strnišin je pristup metafizičkom problemu kontroliraniji, nastaje iz potreba racionalnog i intelektualnog karaktera. To je bjelodano i iz načina na koji se dva pjesnika približavaju Einsteinovoj misli: Šop se približava Einsteinovu modelu svemira isključivo putem vlastite pjesničke intuicije, dok ga Strniša otvoreno preispituje u svojoj prozi, poput one naslovljene Relativnostna pesnitev, u kojoj se prvenstveno usredotočuje na problem pjesničkoga stvaranja.Although the epochs and milieus they belong to differ, the Croatian poet Nikola Šop and the Slovenian poet Gregor Strniša share a common denominator – both are metaphysical poets and, in respect of this poetic dimension, they both tackle the relativity of time and space, i.e. temporality and timelessness, and spatiality and spacelessness, which are nothing other than synonyms for the concepts of human and divine. Both poets are profoundly motivated by the search for the Final Truth. In Šop this need stems from his personal tragedy, from a horrendous accident that disabled him for almost three decades and deeply impressed his faith, having driven him to seek God on the paths of theology, philosophy and cosmology. On the other hand, Strniša’s approach to metaphysical issues is somewhat more controlled, and issues from the needs of his rational and intellectual character. This is also evident in the fashion in which the two poets approach Einstein’s thought: Šop nears Einstein’s model of universe exclusively through his own poetic intuition, while Strniša openly reflects on it in his prose, as in his Relativnostna pesnitev , in which he primarily centres on the problem of poetic creation. (shrink)

Nach den Teilen I (1973), II (1979), III (1988) und IV (1994) liegt hiermit der vorletzte Band des wohl umfangreichsten Übersetzungs- und Kommentieriungswerkes vor, das jemals einem byzantinischen Geschichtsschreiber gewidmet wurde. Leider war es aber dem unermüdlichen Bearbeiter nicht beschieden, sein großes Unternehmen noch mit dem sechsten Teil abzuschließen. Van Dieten ist am 26. 12. 2003 kurz vor seinem 80. Geburtstag gestorben.

Nach den Teilen I (1973), II (1979), III (1988) und IV (1994) liegt hiermit der vorletzte Band des wohl umfangreichsten Übersetzungs- und Kommentieriungswerkes vor, das jemals einem byzantinischen Geschichtsschreiber gewidmet wurde. Leider war es aber dem unermüdlichen Bearbeiter nicht beschieden, sein großes Unternehmen noch mit dem sechsten Teil abzuschließen. Van Dieten ist am 26. 12. 2003 kurz vor seinem 80. Geburtstag gestorben.

The series Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina: Series academica is published by the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences, and functions as a complement to the series Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina: Sources and Studies. The editions and source collections of the Series academica provide a basis for research on Byzantine philosophy and education and on the lasting impact of peripatetic philosophy in the Greek middle ages. The series succeeds to the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca directed by Hermann Diels and (...) published by the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences. The publication schedule of the series includes editions of commentaries by Alexander of Aphrodisias, Simplicius, John Philoponus, Michael of Ephesus, Nicephorus Blemmydes, George Pachymeres, Theodore Metochites, George Scholarius, and Bessarion. The series is also open for preliminary studies and companion volumes. https://www.degruyter.com/view/serial/CAGB-B. (shrink)

Die vorliegende Arbeit besteht, von Beigaben wie Indizes und Bibliographie abgesehen, aus einer 124 Seiten umfassenden Einleitung und einer 328 Seiten umfassenden vollständigen Werkausgabe des bisher wenig bekannten Antipalamiten Theodoros Dexios. Seine Schriften, eine von POLEMIS (P.) als „Appellatio“ bezeichnete Beschwerde über die Voreingenommenheit des Ioannes Kantakuzenos auf dem Konzil von 1351, zwei Briefe und ein von P. so genannter „Tractatus brevis de Christo ipso splendente in Transfiguratione“ sind anonym überliefert, zudem auch ohne Überschriften. Zu Beginn der Einleitung wird G. (...) MERCATIs Annahme, daß die Schriften von Dexios verfaßt wurden, gegen J. MEYENDORFF, der sie dem Arsenios von Tyros zuwies, überzeugend verteidigt. Der Autor des 1. Briefes vertrat die merkwürdige Meinung, daß das Thaborlicht mit dem menschlichen Körper Christi identisch gewesen sei (XVI). Diese Ansicht kritisierte Isaak Argyros in seinem Brief an Gedeon unter Namensnennung des Dexios, wie Mercati bereits feststellte (XXIII f.). Daß die genannten Schriften, die teils in Vat. Gr. 1111, teils in Vat. Gr. 1823 überliefert sind (XIII), auf denselben Autor zurückgehen, ist daraus zu erschließen, daß der Schreiber von Vat. Gr. 1823 in Vat. Gr. 1111 Autorenkorrekturen vornahm (XV f.). Ein wichtiger Punkt der Widerlegung Meyendorffs besteht auch darin, daß dieser die Worte des Dexios, die sich auf den Schluß des vom „seligen Gregoras“ inspirierten Glaubensbekenntnisses der Antipalamiten im Jahr 1351 beziehen, nämlich „an letzter Stelle war in ihm (dem Bekenntnis) folgendes zu lesen: ‚Hinsichtlich des Kalabrers Barlaam und des Akindynos sagen wir, daß wir damit einverstanden sind, was die heilige Kirche Gottes entschieden und festgelegt hat‘ (220), indem wir auf unseren Patriarchen verwiesen“, auf Ignatios von Antiochien, den Vorgesetzten des Arsenios, bezog, dieser schmähliche, wenn auch wohl postume Verrat an Akindynos (so unsere Meinung) aber laut P. eine Anerkennung des Tomos von 1341 bedeutet, mit dem Patriarchen demnach Kalekas gemeint ist (XX f.). P. weist nach, daß der Brief des Dexios, auf den sich Argyros in seinem Brief an Gedeon bezieht, trotz gleicher Thematik nicht mit dem von ihm herausgegeben Brief I identisch ist, sondern etwas früher (XXVI versehentlich „later“) geschrieben wurde (XXVI–XXVIII). Die Datierung der „Appellatio“ auf die Zeit zwischen 1351 und 1354 (Sturz des Kantakuzenos) ist sicherlich richtig. Da Gregoras in seinen zweiten „Antirrhetikoi“ wie Dexios von der Nichtveröffentlichung des Tomos von 1351, der Unvollständigkeit der erworbenen Abschrift wie auch von der Gefahr spricht, durch den Herrscher ermordet zu werden (s. JÖB 36, 1986, 263 f. 276), ist laut meiner Datierung (s. JÖB 27, 1978, 146, Nr. 70) 1353 als wahrscheinliches Datum der Abfassung anzusehen. P. verfaßte eine bemerkenswerte Anmerkung zu Georgios von Pelagonia (XXXI f., A. 65). Die Identifizierung des Georgios Gabrielopulos mit Georgios, dem Philosophen, geht auf R.-J. LOENERTZ und F. TINNEFELD zurück, die mögliche Identifizierung des Georgios von Pelagonia mit Gabrielopulos auf mich (s. PLP II, Nr. 3433 und Talbot in ODB II 838 f., die PLP ausschreibt). Inzwischen bin ich zu dem Schluß gekommen, daß Georgios von Pelagonia, der an Akindynos Kritik übt, auf Grund seiner guten Informiertheit kein anderer sein kann als Akindynos, der wegen seiner Voreingenommenheit gegen Barlaam im Jahr 1341 Selbstkritik übt. Akindynos stammte aus der Region von Pelagonia. Möglicherweise ist er nach seiner Flucht aus Konstantinopel 1347 mit Hilfe Stefan Dušans sogar Bischof von Pelagonia geworden. (shrink)

From 802 to 811, we encounter several diplomatic missions beween Byzantium and the Carolingians with the scope to secure or confirm peace, although in 798 such an agreement had been reached. The real target behind such negotiations was a recognition of the coronation and imperial title of Charlemagne since 800, denied by Byzantium for years. It was only in 810 that Nicephorus I yielded due to military/ political difficulties in Northern Italy with Pepin/pippin, son of Charlemagne, and against the (...) Bulgarians. A treaty defined spheres of interest and Byzantine representatives acclaimed Charlemagne as basileus in 812. The present article tries to clarify the different stages and elements of the whole process. When the power of the Carolingian state diminished in the ongoing 9th century, Byzantium step by step deviated from full recognition of the Western emperor, a process clearly visible during the joint venture against Arab Bari from 869 to 871. An appendix deals with the question, if Empress Eirene had offered a kind of junior-emperorship to Charlemagne in 798/799, as already Paul Speck proposed more than forty years ago, without finding much approval. Now it seems probable that he was right. (shrink)

Leontios Eustratios, called Philoponos, was a prolific scribe and tireless traveler, though neglected by modern research. The first part of this article is devoted to the reconstruction of Leontios’ life and activity, while the second describes a new witness of the theological works by the patriarch Nicephorus and offers new data for research on philology and textual transmission.

In the later Byzantine age, historical sources mention many examples of prophecies concerning Chremetismomancy, the divination by horses' neighs. As far as we know, however, we have no earlier documents about this practice from ancient or from medieval Greece. Under the Komnenoi and Palaiologoi, to the contrary, important prophetic neighs are quoted by Anna Komnene, by Niketas Choniates and Nikephoros Gregoras. Wonders which were worked by neighing horses are of very great political consequence, relating to crucial moments such as (...) an emperor's military victories, a prince's succession to the imperial throne or the deposition of a ruler. In Gregoras' Roman History, it is not a living animal responsable for the nocturnal neighs, but a painted one at a chapel in the palace. It is very interesting to examine these narrative plots and historical accounts, as they convey many informations about Byzantine society. In particular, the strong disposition for magic, even at top-level of the society, should be emphasized. The philomantic emperors par excellence are Manuel I Komnenos and Andronikos II Palaiologos, the author of a themation, an astrological interpretation of horses' neighs, together with his faithful Logo the tes Theodoros Metochites, an expert at astrology and hemerology. The advance of such divinatory practices in the late Byzantine centuries should be related to home instability and enemies' threats on the boundaries. Chremetismomantic omina clearly focus on this particular climate of terror and uncertainty which forms the ideal ground for any attempt to foretell the future. Therefore, these practices were no laughing matter for Byzantine writers and their readers: only Nicetas Choniates' shy irony may argue us out of believing this. (shrink)

The question of the simultaneity of relatives is one of the most debated aspects of Aristotle’s theory of relational properties. Are they exceptions to the rules of co-introduction and co-suppression for a pair of relatives? The present article studies a particular chapter of the long history of this problem, the contribution of three Byzantine thinkers of the ninth century. Their discussion is embedded in the complex phenomenon of the Iconoclast crisis. For reinvigorating their discourse on icons, these iconophiles thinkers deployed (...) Aristotelian logic, notably by treating the model and the image as Aristotelian relatives. This move implies tackling the issue of the simultaneity of relatives. Metrophanes, Nicephorus and Theodore solved it in three different ways which the present article reconstructs. (shrink)

Though parts of the text traditionally called Theophanes Continuatus go back to the time of Constantine VII, it is in fact a compilation of various texts put together by a later redactor in the reign of Nicephorus Phokas. Likewise, the original parts of text known as the De Cerimoniis were produced in the reign of Constantine, but the text has come down to us in a later redaction, apparently also from the time of Phokas. In the case of the (...) De Cerimoniis, the final redactor has been identified as Basil the parakoimomenos, the bastard son of Romanus I Lecapenus. Similar interests and coincidences of composition in the two texts, particularly in Book VI of Theophanes Continuatus and chapter I, 96 of the De Cerimoniis, suggest that the compiling of Theophanes Continuatus was also the work of Basil. (shrink)

During the last decade of the thirteenth and the first of the fourteenth century the Byzantine army relied heavily on large groups of mercenary soldiers, the most important being the Cretans, the Alans and the Catalan Grand Company. By examining the views George Pachymeres, Nikephoros Gregoras and Thomas Magistros express about these groups, the present investigation will examine the impact of mercenaries on the military affairs of the Byzantine state, as well as Byzantine attitudes towards mercenaries.

Ad Serapionem I, 20 by Athanasius was of paramount importance for theology of Nicephorus Blemmydes, John XI Beccus and Gregory of Cyprus. Blemmydes seems to have produced several changes of words in the passage making Athanasius say of the Spirit as of the Life and Energy of the Son. In such a form Ad Serapionem I, 20 gave Blemmydes an excellent opportunity for substantiating his own doctrine on the Spirit's eternal illumination through the Son. In his teaching no strict (...) demarkation line had been drawn between the Person and energy of the Spirit. Nicephorus might have tried to approach to a more "essentialist" discourse in triadology, e.g., like that which is found in Symeon the New Theologian. By his sometimes ambiguous, but generally fresh and suggestive pneumatology Nicephorus has paved the way for Gregory of Cyprus, Gregory Palamas and the Palamites. While taken at face value, Nicephorus' teaching seemed to open a path for early Scholastics, with John Beccus at their head, as well as for subsequent anti-Palamites, whereas the Palamites took pains to interpret Blemmydes along the lines of traditional Cappadocian, Maximian and Photian triadology. (shrink)