Annawe live where people used to keep cowsin a stifling polyethylene sunwe make holes for love therewhen the water is high we walk on itfrom the bed to the chair then the windowsillthere we hang like rags on the edge of lightonce we woke in history melancholycan't fall back asleep circumambulatelike a child's sobs in a dead bellywar: the worst day of my lifeTatyanacurfew cage bars are made of waxwhen we set ourselves on fire, the light goes on in the (...) houselike a sunflower on the pan of a deep fieldit's as if we were still alive but then night deliversthe viper of the widow's ribbon under every doorlet them get up and go, it's not about the eyes of othersour faces are under the washed-out water of tearsbut they don't go we don't goit is where thyme once was picked up and memory grewgathering songs in tufts of hair, the sacks of Augustwere pregnant with hope for a new summerwhere we still speak for ourselveslet them get up and go, our time is running outleaving sand on things so they get water back laterwe outlive ourselves, we hold the earth by the throatlike the bird of an old love on the lining of a fashionable dressTamarathey just came and shut the passage of flowering timeinto a nailed-up victory box, as if we were snow dyingin the arms of cut-down apple trees in a cesspool of guiltnow my man and I go to get our pensions like cons off to rollcallbut even there they say: special people live in Donetsk:here you would say: and their special gods:occupation: its shimmering rhythm keeps trouble at baysilence: its dirty threads stitch up everyone's mouthswith porous fingers of laughter, from ear to eara train forgets itself and digs into the groundit's making to remember passenger lovesdoesn't know why it's here and what to do with so many namesFainathe rotten cabbage of despair knocks at the doorof invisible night with its severed head, the world still like waterscorched by screams a bird's throat makes threatswhile we go down into memory deeper and deeperwhile we root out the weeds of languagelike eglantine wind from a wound in the landscapepast the gates of death, empty nests of rootsstone light over the great junkheap of loveinfantile fears in the frozen cradle of breathwe leave lists of traces like snow in the marginsstained with blood of freedom from textualitythey will someday return home with our traces, the treesbeasts squint there from the swings of fire and guiltthey laugh over the ravine of this shameful feastthey don't feel the ground shifting beneath themin a long echo's noose tolls the hollow heartFor Oleh Kotsarevwe shall inter civilization in the woodsso that the waking sunhears the green record of sunrisenaked enter the running dance circlebreak into the childish laughter of natureearth shall not know earth in the mirror of our movementsearth shall not know us everso water leaving the memories of fireplace beaststurns to snow in the see-through cupped hands of cloudsso trees pushing roots into rainturn to sky in the arms of birdswe are not afraid, we shall say,to be or not to be in the umbilical cord of timewe shall tie together white kerchiefs of tears in the house of love. (shrink)

How does war reconfigure women’s social roles and status? This article investigates how women’s volunteering during conflict can challenge gendered divisions within society and transform the binary of masculine protector and feminine protected. When the Donbas conflict erupted in Ukraine in 2014, women assumed central roles as civilian volunteers who aided populations affected by violence. They gained a high level of social status in the context of a weak state, distrusted by its populace. Based on ten months of fieldwork (...) and eighty-two interviews with civilian volunteers, this article argues that volunteering became a space of gendered negotiations over women’s position alongside wartime binaries of home/front and protector/protected. Ultimately, certain types of wartime volunteering created more opportunities for blurring these gendered divisions, enabling volunteer women to be framed as protectors of both soldiers and civilians. Moreover, age intersected with gender, as volunteer women’s life stage influenced their ability to become leaders within volunteer groups and their bodies were interpreted alongside gender roles within the family. (shrink)

The paper presents some pages of history of the First Ukrainian Theater of The Donbas - The All-Donbas State Ukrainian Drama Theater "Donderzhdrama". It covers its setting-up and operation milestones from the foundation in 1928 to 1935 when the Theater ceased to exist while merging with Artem Ukrainian Mobile Theater, based in Artemivsk. The author draws a conclusion that Donderzhdrama is the first independent Ukrainian theater in the Donbas rather than a branch of Franko Theater. From its (...) foundation in 1928 the Theater was based in the city of Stalino, having no permanent premises. It also faced such great problems as lack of funds and a clean-cut repertory plan as well as actors' turnover. Recollections about the operation in Stalino date back to only 1928 and 1929. In 1930-1934 the Theater performed outside Stalino, touring cities of the region and Ukraine. It is acknowledged that there are no archive documents regarding the setting up of Donderzhdrama as the first Ukrainian stationary theater of the Donbas. The Donderzhdrama staff comprised such actors as P. Poliova, R. Raisova, P. Shenchenko, L. Usatenko, D.I. Zhukov, Y. Khutorna, D. Gaidamaka, I. Avdienko, N. Reiska, Y. Shostakivska, O. Gorska, L. Zadniprovskyi, N. Bilodidova, stage directors Tetentiev, D. Shkliarskyi, Y. Shneiderman et al. In 1928 Donderzhdrama was headed by Stage Director D.I. Shkliarskyi. In 1931 Maria Adamska, a future Distinguished Artist of Ukraine, who was 15 at the time, embarked upon her creative career at the Theater. The Theater repertory included such plays as I. Mykytenko's "Personnel", Kirshon's "Humming Rails", Dniprovskyi's "Apple Captivity", Kulish's "Myna Mazalo", "First Horse Army", "Mine "Maria", "Street of My Joy", "Squadron Ruin", "My Friend" and others. (shrink)

The study delves into the foreign policy plans of Alexei Navalny, the Russian politician who is currently commonly regarded as the most prominent opposition leader and the sole plausible alternative to Vladimir Putin. Drawing on his interviews, public speeches, media publications and electoral manifestos, the author analyses his foreign policy views alongside three topics, that is, Russia’s policies towards disputed lands and states in the post-Soviet area (Crimea, Donbas, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria), the country’s foreign policy orientation and priorities (...) (especially regarding relations with the West) and assessment of the Putin regime’s foreign policy. Following this, the author speculates on the likely foundations of Russia’s foreign policy under Navalny’s possible presidency and their implications for the West. (shrink)

Ukrainian revolution of 2014 discovered the courage of Ukrainian nation to the whole world, as well as its unity and goal to renovate the country. Ukrainians have shown the world that they are a self-sufficient nation that wants to become a full-fledged part of European civilization as soon as possible. Ukrainian religion and spirituality also become open to the world. Thus, religion played a major part during the Revolution of dignity, and it is still of primary importance in the war (...) in Donbas. Ukrainian Pentecostalism is an inherent part of the processes which took place on Maidan Nezalezhnosti and are now taking place within the anti-terrorist campaign. Pentecostals are actively helping Ukrainians to fight against the Russian aggression and pro-Russian separatism in Eastern Ukraine. Despite the variety of movements and unions of Ukrainian Pentecostals, most of them took the side of the Ukrainian people. Today Pentecostal provide humanitarian aid for both residents of Donbas and the Ukrainian soldiers as well. Therefore, it is important to investigate the role of Ukrainian Pentecostals and Neo-Pentecostals in the events, which took place throughout November 2013 and February 2014 on Maidan in Kyiv, and which are happening now in Eastern Ukraine. (shrink)

The present paper covers technological changes in the coal mining process. Coal is the main domestic energy resource in Ukraine. In this context such issues as upgrading of conventional technologies and introduction of innovative developments need early solution. Technology is a driving force of strategic development of enterprises in all industries, including the mining. Technological aspects and their interrelation with competitiveness were explored and substantiated by I. Ansoff, who also identified three possible variability levels of technology: 'stable', 'productive' and 'changeable'. (...) 'Stable' technology is virtually unchangeable throughout the life cycle of demand. It is intrinsic to coal production as coal has been mined for centuries and in spite of changes in mining techniques, the demand for it is high enough. This technology originated approximately in the late 18th century when the first mines appeared in the Donets Basin. 'Productive' technology means the traditional one within which various innovations are introduced. In the early development period of the mining industry only pillar mining was used. Two new directions were subsequently developed: shortwall and longwall mining. Winning mechanization in European countries was achieved through development of longwall machines. The USA preferred shortwall mining of coal seams. The above mining alternatives were examined at Donbas mines, the results compared by such parameters as the number of workers and their labor capacity. The necessity of introduction and further improvement of 'manless' mining flow diagrams was substantiated. Some methods for roadway maintenance without repairs were described. The measures required for roadway maintenance without repairs under different conditions can be divided into a number of groups: ways of roadway protection, use of supports with improved yielding, an increased cross-sectional area and longitudinal section of workings during driving, reinforcement of seam bearing rock, application of mine overhead carriers. 'Changeable' technology comprises such unconventional techniques as underground gasification, hydrogenization and hydraulic coal mining by boreholes as well as ancillary recovery of methane gas. (shrink)

The article offers an overview on the most notable features of the implementation of psychonarratives in fiction and documentary and fiction prose about the Anti-terrorist Operation and the hybrid warfare in Donbas from the standpoint of the achievements of modern humanities, which gives intelligence a multidisciplinary nature. The degree of academic research on the outlined topics at both the world and the national scientific levels has been clarified. The contribution of the Western scientists to the development of theoretical and (...) methodological principles of parameterization of psychonarratives is outlined. There is a tendency to increase the interest of domestic specialists in narratology, in particular psychonaratology, mainly in empirical terms. At the same time, an objective lack of thorough theoretical developments of the monographic or dissertation level on the outlined issues has been stated in Ukrainian studies. Terminological vagueness and imbalance in the interpretation of the key concepts of psychonarrative studies have been recorded. Methods and means of realization and manifestation of the psychonarratives in the text structures are established. There is a growing interest of domestic researchers in the direct or indirect consideration of narrative, psychonarrative and selfnarrative in fiction prose and documentary and fiction prose about the ATO and the hybrid warfare in the Donbas in the context of discursivity and intermediality. The peculiarities of psychonarrative expression on the formal structure and sence-content levels are indicated. The common and distinctive features of the realization of psychonarratives in fiction and non-fiction literature are briefly noted. (shrink)

Does, or should, social uprising lead to new legal form? Ukraine’s current situation following the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014, with continuing violent conflict in Donbas and Crimea, suggests that not only is it unclear how a ‘new’ form is assessed, but existing transitional policies and frameworks are unlikely to be clearly implemented and enforced. An alternative analysis of transformation is necessary to address the conflicting aftermath of uprising within a particular historical and cultural context. The transformation that is (...) happening in Ukraine is a continuum that is intellectual and psychological as much as reforming judicial systems and governance. Thinking transformation differently opens onto narratives, complexity of causes and a plurality of ideas of future, resolutions and justice. Such a shift in thought and analysis, informed by narratives and grounded research, is necessary in order to try to understand the current pursuit of justice in Ukraine. (shrink)

In the past two decades, Ukraine has significantly deepened its relations with NATO. Following Russia’s seizure of Crimea and instigation of conflict in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbas in 2014, Ukraine’s interest in NATO entry has particularly intensified. According to public opinion polls in Ukraine, membership in the Alliance is critical to the country’s security. On the other hand, Russia presents the further expansion of NATO to the east as the main threat to its national security. The current (...) developments on the ground and the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia will affect NATO’s attitude towards Ukraine’s membership prospects in the Alliance. The potential for further escalation of the war in Ukraine is significant, although it is more likely that the war will flare up and target Ukrainian forces and the civilian population, but the likelihood of the involvement of the Western Allies in the conflict is also more certain. Ukrainian authorities will have to limit their expectations for NATO membership and focus only on maximum cooperation with the Alliance. (shrink)

The social and demographic specifics of Donbas region are analyzed in the context of understanding of the factors and possible consequences of the East Ukraine conflict. The article reveals distinctive features of the demographic composition, processes of population natural movement in this region, specific of the social situation, the basic human development indicators in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine on the eve of the conflict, as well as some of its social and demographic consequences.

In the modern world, there is a growing interest in the problem of forming a person’s identity. The category of “identity,” despite the diversity of theoretical and empirical research, remains complex. The article is devoted to the study of transformations of the collective identity of Ukrainian citizens after the Revolution of Dignity, in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war in Eastern Ukraine. In the period from 2013 to 2019, there have been radical changes in many spheres of public life in (...) Ukraine. The Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea, and the war in the Donbas all led to significant political, legal, and socio-economic and socio-cultural changes that contributed to the processes of the transformation of the collective identity of Ukrainian citizens. The aim of this article is to study the dynamics of the changes in the collective identity of Ukrainian citizens after the Revolution of Dignity through the prism of the integrative approach. (shrink)

The Vatican probably hoped that the visit of the apostolic nuncio Claudio Gugerotti on December 16-18, 2016 to the occupied territories of the Donbas Ukrainian society "swallowing" was just as easy as it easily "swallowed" the same and his Easter visit, as the "swallowed up" meeting on June 10, 2015 by Pope Roman Francis with the President of the Russian Federation V. Putin, in which many saw the obvious anti-Ukrainian context, not to mention here the anti-Ukrainian gesture that the (...) Pope had made by signing on February 12, 2016 The shameful "Havana Declaration", p Vatican which essentially gives Ukraine at the mercy of Moscow, since it recognizes domain of the Moscow Patriarchate. However, one should pay tribute to those who, seeing the pro-Moscow line of conduct of the Vatican, in particular its current head, Pope Francis, aspire to persuade Ukrainian society, first and foremost, of Ukrainian Roman and Greek Catholics, which, they say, only in this way the Holy See and can prove that he "loves Ukraine", but simply needs to have the ability to "read," "listen," to "look at the world through the eyes of God the Creator," as the Pope teaches. (shrink)

The Soviet government showed evidence of poor linearity in its policies towards nationalities. Not only does this policy appear to have been contradictory in several places, but has undergone changes and transformations over the years, so as to make it almost unreadable. Meanwhile, in order to attract the nationalities that were part of the Russian Empire and in accordance with the principle enunciated by Lenin, namely that the Empire was a “prison of peoples”, in the first decade of Soviet power (...) an ambiguous policy of enhancement of nationalities was passed that received the name of indigenization or korenizacija; ambiguous, because the aim was also to categorize and control the population, according to a typical perspective of colonial power. The Soviet constitution of 1924 gave the center many powers; the Republics had the same powers as the Russian regions, while the party remained centralized; the use of national languages in the educational system was increased, but not in universities. In Ukraine, the Bolshevik Party was dominated by the Russians and it was thanks to Lenin, who rejected the proposal, that the emergence of an autonomous republic in Donbas was prevented. Stalin, on the other hand, favoured korenizacija especially for the alliances with the local Bolshevik leaders, given the centralist tendencies of Trockij and his other opponents. The formal cancellation of korenizacija in Ukraine was ratified by two secret decrees of the Politbjuro on the 14th and 15th of December 1932, at the height of the grain requisition campaign. In many regards, korenizacija is still considered a “golden age” of Ukrainian culture and language, but its ambiguity and tragic end are little known. The article uses published or archival primary sources and the main secondary sources on the topic. It is part of a broader research project on the contemporary history of Ukraine conducted by the author at the University of Brussels. (shrink)

У статті на основі аналізу фрагментів з листів червоноармійців, зроблених співробітниками Державного політичного управління (ДПУ) в рамках практики перлюстрації, реконструйовані окремі аспекти сприйняття червоноармійцями навколишньої дійсності, політики та ідеології нової влади, свого місця в новому суспільстві і його соціальній структурі. Зокрема простежуються результати активної антирелігійної кампанії, прагнення більшовиків у процесі ідеологічного впливу на червоноармійців зв'язати в їх свідомості релігію з пригніченням, владою буржуазних класів. Зафіксована і зворотна реакція самих червоноармійців: від високого рівня засвоєння ідеологем, до сумнівів і неприйняття їх.

The article describes the features of the relationship between Soviet power and engineering specialists, who was working in senior positions in factories and mines of theDonbasin the early 1920's. Interaction between professionals and the new government in that time was inconsistent and compromised. On the one hand, technical specialist received significant preferences and opportunities, regardless of their relationship to the Soviet authorities. This decision was based on the rational considerations about the impossibility of restoring the destroyed industry ofDonbasonly by party (...) instructions, without relying on a professional understanding of the fundamental aspects of the industry. On the other hand, the local party members, their leaders and the working class began pressure on the specialist, because they not understood the rationalist motivation of power and evaluated this policy as a betrayal of conquests of the revolution. The article presents a previously unknown secret document, which demonstrates that in the early 1920's the Soviet authorities in their policy in theDonbasmade a bid for the segmentation of the group of engineering specialists. "Sovietization" of professionals should be the result of internal contradictions and competition in mid group. In the same document founded the practice of detailed surveillance specialists. Later this information about specialists was used as the base for charges during the "spetseedovskie" processes at the late 1920's -1930's. (shrink)

The article deals with the official position of the Soviet government in the national policy during 1943-1982 years, analyzes the situation in the linguistic environment in Donetsk region, and identifies the main channels of policy in the language environment, particularly through the school system as a major mechanism in the process. We can conclude that from the beginning of tenure as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Khrushchev and the end of Brezhnev`s era more than half of schools were (...) Russian. This trend was observed among the students also. Difference proportion of pupils who have studied Russian and Ukrainian languages in nearly two decades has changed in favor of the Russian language when in 1959/60 year Russian was taught almost 3.5 times more than Ukrainian , while in 1978/79 year there were 12.8 times more. This shows that in the 1943-1982 period the Soviet government consistently carried out the process of creating a single Soviet people in the territory of the USSR by the Russification of education. Visibly voluntary choice of language of study at the command-administrative methods of the country management made even better results behind the screen democracy. Since such a large state like the Soviet Union sought to unify the system of inter-republic communication through the introduction of Russian language in the process the Russification of Ukrainian SSR carried out more rapidly than in other Soviet republics, and had its own special features. (shrink)

У статті розглядається кількісний склад репресованих на території Донецької та Луганської областей; висвітлюються особливості основних періодів репресій протягом 1941-1982 рр.; називаються тенденції у вироках; виокремлюються національності, які найбільше зазнали репресій. Вивчається національний склад репресованих у Донбасі в 1941-1982 рр.