이 논문은 생명철학과 생명정치학의 함의와 그 관계를 해명하려는 글이다. 생명에 대한 존재자적 탐구가 생명의 의미를 망각한다면 생명철학은 그 존재론적 의미를 밝히는 형이상학적 작업이다. 그에 비해 생명정치학은 생명체의 타당한 존재론적 터전을 정립하는 실천 철학의 영역에 속한다. 현대의 사회문화적 상황은 생명을 실용주의적 관점에 따라 대상화함으로써 생명이 생명으로 자리할 터전을 박탈한다. 이런 현대 사회의 생명성 망각과 생명 소외 현상을 넘어설 길을 생명철학의 존재론과 생명정치학의 실천철학에서 찾으려는 노력이 이 글에 담긴 근본 목적이다. 이를 위해 먼저 이 두 학문을 포괄하는 맥락에서 설정한 생명학의 범위와 내용을 (...) 해명한다. 이어 생명철학의 내용을 설명한 뒤, 이를 바탕으로 생명정치학의 내용을 소개한다. 여기에는 F. 푸코의 생명관리정치와 G. 아감벤의 생명정치학이 포함된다. 이어 현대 사회에서 생명에 대한 과학적 지식을 전유하면서 이를 자본주의적 맥락으로 몰아가는 생명자본의 정치경제학을 비판적으로 분석한다. 이런 논의를 바탕으로 결론에서는 우리의 실존과 존재를 생명성으로 연결지어 해명하는 철학적 사유가 필요함을 말하면서 정당하게 이해하는 생명철학적 학문을 주장할 것이다. 그에 따라 생명과 올바른 관계맺음을 가능하게 하는 생명정치학이 정초될 수 있기 때문이다. (shrink)

La modernité s’est accompagnée d’une reprise en main par l’État des noyaux de pouvoir religieux qui lui étaient auparavant extérieurs. Toutefois, on peut montrer qu’à cette rupture se superpose une autre discontinuité notable : l’apparition d’un concept de pouvoir nouveau, s’occupant de la vie elle-même et non plus de ses marges, qui serait la biopolitique. Il est possible de déceler les leviers conceptuels qui nouent ensemble ces deux transformations chez l’un des penseurs essentiels de cette modernité politique, Spinoza, (...) dans la mesure où, tout en démontrant la nécessité pour le pouvoir politique de s’émanciper du religieux et de le reprendre en main, il participe d’une nouvelle manière de penser l’exercice du pouvoir. (shrink)

Este estudo teve como objetivo estimar a Qualidade de Vida (QV) em pacientes com transtorno depressivo maior antes e após tratamento antidepressivo eficaz. Participaram do estudo 26 indivíduos (18 a 65 anos) com episódio agudo de Transtorno Depressivo Maior, segundo critérios do DSM-IV. A duração do..

Rumors were afoot at the Sixth Comintern Congress that there were political differences between Bukharin and Stalin. Except for Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai's comments on the Comintern Theses, other Chinese delegates seem to have expressed no public disagreement with Bukharin. The following speech, made by one "Tschang-Bio" (Chang Kuo-t'ao?) at the fourteenth session, may serve to illustrate this tactful attitude.

La Collection Les Alchimistes Grecs della CUF si arricchisce d'un altro volume con un'opera del tutto nuova rispetto ai due volumi già pubblicati, l'Anonyme de Zuretti: il testo, che prende il nome da C. O. Zuretti, il quale ne curò nel 1930 l'editio princeps nel VII volume del Catalogue des manuscrits alchimistes grecs, è «un traité pratique, complet et systematique, rédigé à l'époque médiévale par un Grec d'Italie du Sud. Celui-ci se base sur de nombreuses sources latines et arabo-latines, sans (...) renier pour autant la tradition grecque, et il écrit dans une langue déroutante … respectée au maximum» (p. VII). Come scrive l'Editrice nell'Avant-propos, questa sintesi delle conoscenze alchemiche mediterranee degli inizi del 1300 è il più lungo dei testi alchemici greci e presenta diversi motivi di interesse: • è il testimone del sincretismo culturale che fioriva nel regno di Napoli in epoca angioina; • è un documento interessante per lo studio della lingua greca medievale della Calabria; • permette di affrontare problemi filologici legati al fenomeno della traduzione. (shrink)

Foucault repère une transformation du pouvoir lorsque la vie entre dans ses préoccupations à partir du XVIIIe siècle. Il appelle « bio-pouvoir » les techniques spécifiques du pouvoir s’exerçant sur les corps individuels et les populations, hétérogènes aux mécanismes juridico-politiques du pouvoir souverain. Agamben, dans Homo sacer, reprend l’hypothèse foucaldienne et la fait fonctionner précisément sur le terrain délaissé par Foucault, celui de la souveraineté. La souveraineté ne porte pas à ses yeux sur des sujets de (...) droits, mais de manière cachée sur une « vie nue », ex-ceptée par le pouvoir qui l’expose à sa violence et à sa décision souveraine. On peut alors interroger le déplacement de l’hypothèse foucaldienne opéré par Agamben et les rapports problématiques entre pouvoir souverain et bio-pouvoir, afin d’évaluer la pertinence et la fécondité de la notion de bio-pouvoir. (shrink)

Carolina Maria de Jesus, a partir de seu "Quarto de Despejo", inspira o diálogo transdisciplinar entre a psicanálise, o direito e a literatura, nos artigos reunidos neste livro. Como a obra de Carolina e o diálogo acadêmico inspirado por ela pode nos auxiliar a pensar sobre e a lutar contra o racismo? Fazendo circular e acreditando na força que a palavra tem de desconstruir as ficções psíquicas e políticas que organizam nosso pacto social. Essa é a aposta que anima a (...) pesquisa cujos primeiros resultados estão neste livro. Partimos da hipótese de que o racismo é uma construção histórico-libidinal e que pode ser desfeita. Dentre os códigos fascistas que organizam o desejo, o racismo se destaca (dentre o machismo, a homofobia, por exemplo) por tentar situar a alteridade num determinado grupo de pessoas de forma a controlá-la, subjugá-la. Esse desejo de distinção provém, em grande medida, da angústia produzida pela presença da alteridade dentro do próprio sujeito. Há algo em um livro como o de Carolina que é preciso ser destacado: trata-se de uma resposta singular a um pacto social perverso, organizado pelo racismo. É preciso pensar nos efeitos afetivos que tal resposta, endereçada como um "diário de uma favelada", produz em cada um(a) de seus (suas) leitores(as). (shrink)

This book is about the use of legal scholarship by judges. It discusses the possibility that legal scholarship may function as a genuine source of law in modern municipal legal systems. The book advances a number of claims, some conceptual, some empirical, some normative. The major conceptual claims are found in Chapters 2 and 3, where a general account of the notion of a source of law is provided. Roughly, sources of law are documents or practices (e.g. statutes, judicial decisions, (...) official customs) from which norms can be derived that function as sources of content-independent reasons for judges to decide legal cases one way or another. The relevant notion of content-independence is derived (with qualifications) from H.L.A. Hart's jurisprudence. Indeed, the book's analysis of the concept of a source of law relies at various points on Hartian insights about law and legal reasoning. Chapter 4 argues that legal scholarship - or, more precisely, a particular type of legal scholarship that might be described as standard or doctrinal - can be, and indeed is, used as a source of law in modern legal systems. The conclusion that legal scholarship is used as a source of law (and thus as a source of content-independent reasons for action) may come as a surprise to those who associate judicial recourse to legal scholarship with judicial activism. This association is discussed and criticized in Chapters 5 and 6. It is argued that, in spite of a relatively common opinion to the contrary, legal scholarship can be used to mitigate discretion. In fact, it is precisely because it can be used in this way that judges sometimes refer to scholarship deceptively and suggest that it limits discretion in situations in which it really does not. The concluding chapter addresses potential objections not explicitly discussed in earlier chapters.. (shrink)

O que pode dizer um homem que fez o voto de se dedicar a Deus a outro que está plenamente convencido de Deus não existe? O que pode ouvir um crente de um ateu? O que um ateu pode aprender? São questões assim que guiaram o encontro entre o padre Fábio de Melo e o historiador Leandro Karnal e resultaram neste livro. Um debate rico e respeitoso entre um cético e um católico que oferece uma referência importante aos brasileiros crentes (...) e não crentes. Com coragem para provocar um ao outro e humildade para aceitar os argumentos, os autores discutiram pontos fundamentais, como se o mundo é melhor ou pior sem Deus e se a religião ajuda ou atrapalha. Questionaram o quanto a fé faz falta e discutiram as esperanças, os medos e a morte no horizonte de quem crê e quem não crê. Crer ou não crer é o resultado de muitas horas de conversa entre um dos padres mais amados do país com um dos mais populares historiadores. Uma obra que irá agradar e enriquecer milhões de leitores. (shrink)

Para o direito, o poder é legítimo quando se subordina às regras jurídicas em vigor. Para o poder, o direito é válido na medida em que se torna instrumento da dominação. As relações entre o direito e o poder têm sido objeto das mais diferentes abordagens na sociologia, política ou filosofia. Entre os estudiosos do direito, contudo, o assunto não tem recebido a devida atenção. Infelizmente, porque a contribuição dos juristas para a discussão é bastante peculiar e, portanto, insubstituível. Este (...) livro resulta das reflexões de um profissional do direito sobre um dos mais relevantes aspectos suscitados pelo tema. Nele, discute-se como a produção do conhecimento jurídico é influenciada pelo poder, em uma sociedade capitalista. Depois de apresentar um panorama significativo da teoria política, de Hobbes e Foucault, passando por Weber e os marxistas, o autor centra a sua análise nos fundamentos jurídicos típicos do capitalismo (igualdade, legalidade e legitimidade), para examinar a forma pela qual a doutrina do direito é instrumentalizada na reprodução do poder, e, em certa medida, reage sobre este para ampliá-lo. Com o presente trabalho, Fabio Ulhoa Coelho, professor de direito comercial e de lógica jurídica da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, obteve por esta instituição o título de doutor em direito. Da Banca Examinadora, que o aprovou com distinção, participaram os juristas Tércio Sampaio Ferraz Jr. (orientador), Dalmo de Abreu Dallari, Celso Bastos, Maria Helena Diniz e Eros Roberto Grau. Em razão do seu aprofundamento, abrangência e atualidade, esta obra não pode faltar na bibliografia das disciplinas de teoria geral do estado e filosofia do direito, em nível de graduação ou pós-graduação, interessando também aos estudiosos das demais áreas das ciências humanas. (shrink)

A obra procura ter como inspiração central a ideia de Justiça. Considerando a Justiça como uma exigência comunitária de fazer o Bem e impedir o Mal, ela só se realiza plenamente quando organizada sob a forma de Poder, isto é, da força a serviço do Direito.

Quelle politique peut-on faire quand on est un idiot? Loin d'être saugrenue, c'est bien la question qu'on est conduit à se poser inévitablement en lisant l'oeuvre de Gilles Deleuze. L'"idiot" joue, en effet, un rôle incontournable et essentiel dans la philosophie de Deleuze. Il est le personnage conceptuel qui fait tenir cette philosophie dans sa consistance propre. Il se situe à la charnière de l'image de la pensée que le philosophe invoque et suppose plus ou moins implicitement et de la (...) création de concepts qu'il produit explicitement. Aussi, faire de la philosophie, tout comme agir et penser politiquement, c'est toujours une manière de faire l'idiot. Les conséquences de cette approche sont capitales, du fait des questions posées à la réflexion politique classique centrée sur le Droit et l'Etat, du fait aussi des problématiques qui se voient invalidées dans ce champ. La place qui revient au contrôle et au bio-pouvoir, aux zones d'indétermination et aux espaces lisses, permet de prendre une saine distance vis-à-vis de la politique "majoritaire" et de faire apparaître, comme déjà de vieux clichés, bon nombre de thèmes et de concepts revendiqués par les organisations alternatives, mondialistes et subversives récentes. C'est une tout autre idée de la politique, centrée sur les devenirs, que nous invite à méditer la politique deleuzienne de l'idiot. Elle nous ouvre à d'autres espérances, nouvelles, en lien avec un "peuple absent" qui naîtrait avec chaque devenir. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Politics Is a Mushroom: Worldly Sources of Rule and Exception in Carl Schmitt and Walter BenjaminKam Shapiro (bio)Life is not a mushroom growing out of death.—Carl Schmitt, The Visibility of the ChurchTo isolate death from life, not leaving the one intimately woven in the other, and each one entering into the other’s midst—this is what one must never do.—Jean-Luc Nancy, L’intrus1Carl Schmitt’s theory of the exception was bound up (...) with a thoroughgoing critique of philosophies of immanence, materialism, and “atheism,” which he treated as interchangeable. In his early writings, he adopted the Christian perspective according to which postlapsarian nature cannot by itself yield a juridical order, or in his poetic phrase, “life is not a mushroom growing out of death.” Yet—in accord with Catholic doctrine—he also found sources of life, or law, in this world. While he repudiated theories of collective self-legislation, he embraced a popular sovereign empowered to impose form on a chaotic society. In Political Theology (1922), he compared the form-giving power of the sovereign to an act of divine intervention. Law, he argued, can only function in a lawful or “normal” situation that precedes formalization, and the sovereign “produces and guarantees the situation in its totality” [13]. In The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy (1923) Schmitt retained his theological terms: “A scientific study of democracy must begin with a particular aspect that I have called political theology” [32]. In the modern age, democratic constituent power (pouvoir constituant) replaces the will of God as the transcendent source of a substantial order, namely democratic homogeneity. Democratic will-formation thereby becomes an act prior to its subject, or as Schmitt wrote, “[...] only political power, which should come from the people’s will, can form the people’s will in the first place” [Crisis 28]. A variety of democratic theorists dwell on the paradoxical character of democratic sovereignty, sometimes tracing it back to Rousseau’s well-known formulations [see esp. Connolly and Honig]. They highlight the gap between a transcendent (ideal or fictive) will in whose name political power acts, and the bounded, material consensus it forms, ostensibly rendering the latter vulnerable to challenge. As I argue, however, a closer look at Rousseau’s discussion of democratic founding in On the Social Contract reveals instead a dynamic relay between dispersed substantial or immanent sources of affiliation, on the one hand, and various agents and techniques of political power that draw on and combine them in a collective will, on the other, or what I call the virtual and the virtuosic.2 After briefly exploring this dynamic in Rousseau’s [End Page 121] On the Social Contract, I will highlight similar dynamics at work in Schmitt’s Weimar writings, examining three instances: the complexio oppositorum (1923), national myth (1923), and the polemical opposition of friend and enemy (1927), focusing especially on the first. Contrary to familiar readings of Schmitt’s metaphysical “exceptionalism,” I argue that for Schmitt, as for Rousseau, political power does not create a normative order from a vacuum, and the apparent transcendence of sovereign authority has a variety of worldly sources.3 Finally, I consider what I call “democratic virtuosity,” or virtuosity from below, focusing on Walter Benjamin’s repudiation of sovereign acts of lawmaking or law preserving in favor of ongoing collective habit-formation. As I argue, Benjamin returns spiritual force to the material world not only to shatter human authorities, but also to democratize creation.Rousseau—Anticipating the PeopleIn the Social Contract, Rousseau formulated the paradox of democratic founding to which so many, including Schmitt, would return. “In order for an emerging people to appreciate the healthy maxims of politics, and follow the fundamental rules of statecraft, the effect would have to become the cause; the social spirit, which should be the result of the institution, would have to preside over the founding of the institution itself; and men would have to be prior to laws what they ought to become by means of laws” [Rousseau 69]. As Rousseau argues, a constitution can form a general will only if it commands the loyalty of the people, that is, if there is... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Visual EmpireSusan Buck-Morss (bio)1 The Sovereign IconThe Question of SovereigntyJust when the nation-state appeared to be waning in significance, national sovereignty is back in the spotlight. The issue takes on special urgency in the United States, where sovereign right has been proclaimed persistently by the president in an attempt to justify policies of military aggression and violations of international and domestic law, executing these policies with disregard for traditional (...) judicial and constitutional procedures.1 Giorgio Agamben’s recently translated book State of Exception has touched off a small case of collective hysteria among American academics by claiming that by their intrinsic nature, democracies undermine themselves, that dictatorship is an ontological necessity of modern politics, and that the sovereign’s power to declare a state of emergency and with it a state exception to the law places potentially the whole world under the sign of the concentration camp.Agamben’s revelation, however, is not the scandal. It is a logical truism that something cannot be a member of its own set, that constituting power (pouvoir constituens) cannot be synonymous with constituted power (pouvoir constituent).Plato in the Timaeus described a self-eating, circular being as the first living thing in the universe–an immortal, perfectly constructed animal [image 1]. Agamben seems shocked to find that such an animal does not exist. If democracies could be self-constituting and self-reproducing, if they could realize the perfect closure of the Oroborus (snake consuming its tail), there would be no decay and no history—but also no hope, no escape from the magic circle of power that is capable of mystifying any political regime, no matter how democratically conceived. The historical event that ruptures the circle’s mythic repetition is also the possibility of a better future.Unlike both Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt, upon whom he relies, Agamben uses history ahistorically, in order to abstract from it a timeless ontology of power. In contrast, Benjamin is attentive to historical concreteness, as is Schmitt—this attention is their common bond. But when Benjamin criticizes the parliamentary democracy of the early Weimar Republic, it is not, as it is for Schmitt, out of yearning for a strong executive to cut through parliamentary legalism and compromise.2 Rather, it reminds twentieth-century [End Page 171] parliaments of their own violent origins. A present-day executive leader who, in using the emergency powers of his office, fails to be reminded of the historical origins of representative governments no longer feels It necessary to submit to democratic rule. Benjamin believed that the watered-down versions of democracy in his own time had become little more than bourgeois governing cliques, and for that reason, he might have appreciated Thomas Jefferson’s suggestion that every generation needs a new revolution. The sovereign who declares a state of exception would then be the citizens themselves.The question we need to ask is why Thomas Jefferson’s call for permanent revolution is not predictive of the history of democracies in modern times—why it is so difficult to cut off the head of the king so that it stays off, why popular sovereignty consistently resurrects an aura of quasi-mystical power around the sovereign figure—which since Hobbes’s Leviathan has been recognized as a human artifact, a merely mortal god [see image 2]. In a democracy where only the citizens have the legitimate right to declare a state of exception to the law, the real scandal occurs when an executive branch usurps that power and is allowed to get away with it.More than the sum of merely empirical individuals of which Hobbes’s Leviathan is composed, sovereignty is a transcendent category. The sovereign is an icon in the theological sense. He (or she) embodies an enigma—precisely the power of the collective to constitute itself. The sovereign figure as personification of the collective demonstrates the power of the visible image to close the circle between constituting and constituted power, explaining why even when the illegalities of an individual sovereign are exposed, the faith of the believer is still not shaken. As long as the circle appears closed, sovereign power remains intact; likewise, and... (shrink)

Roberto Esposito is one of the most prolific and important exponents of contemporary Italian political theory.

Synthetic biology, materials chemistry and soft robotics are fast becoming leading disciplines within the field of practices which look to nature for inspiration and opportunities. In this article I discuss how these molecular-scale practices fit within the existing trends of bio-informed design defined at the macro level, that is, bionics, biomimetics and more specifically biomimicry. Based on the metaphysical views underlying bio-informed design practices, I argue that none of them currently fit the biomimicry model, as they are not consistently concerned (...) with environmental sustainability. While biomimetic chemistry loosely belongs to the field of biomimetics, and soft robotics to the field of bionics, both practices have a profound impact on their respective fields, as they question the places of nature and engineers. (shrink)

A prominent objection to non-cognitive moral bio-enhancements is that they would compromise the recipient’s ‘freedom to fall’. I begin by discussing some ambiguities in this objection, before outlining an Aristotelian reading of it. I suggest that this reading may help to forestall Persson and Savulescu’s ‘God-Machine’ criticism; however, I suggest that the objection still faces the problem of explaining why the value of moral conformity is insufficient to outweigh the value of the freedom to fall itself. I also question whether (...) the objection is compatible with Neil Levy’s parity principle. Accordingly, I go on to consider an alternative relational freedom-based objection to NCMBEs that aims to explain the fundamental moral importance of the freedom that NCMBEs would violate. I argue that although this strategy might allow the critic of NCMBEs to bypass a powerful criticism of Harris’ objection, it also weakens the freedom-based objection’s compatibility with the parity principle. (shrink)

La biopolítica ha devenido, sin duda, una de las categorías centrales para la reflexión política contemporánea. Dada su importancia, resulta imperioso avanzar sobre algunas operaciones teóricas que no logran dar cuenta de su especificidad, en tanto que administración de la vida como forma de dominación. Al respecto, y con la intención de rehabilitar la conceptualización de la política, nos interesa demostrar cómo la aparente dicotomía entre zoé y bíos que pretende discutir Agamben no encuentra respaldo en los textos que él (...) mismo utiliza (fundamentalmente, Aristóteles y Foucault), ni tampoco en la cristalización de tales categorías en prácticas sociopolíticas (por ejemplo, la disciplina moderna con sus raíces en el monasterio cristiano). Precisamente, la identificación de la zoé ya como forma de vida es lo que nos permite comprender el interés biopolítico por gestionar la vida biológica. Así, solamente habiendo clarificado estas categorías, podrá rehabilitarse un pensamiento político sobre la política. (shrink)

Examining a variety of bio-objects in contexts beyond the laboratory, Bio-Objects: Life in the 21st Century explores new ways of thinking about how novel bio-objects enter contemporary life, analysing the manner in which the boundaries between human and animal, organic and non-organic, and being 'alive' and the suspension of living, are questioned, destabilised and in some cases re-established.

Si le déploiement d’une compétence éthique en situation nécessite la capacité et la volonté de la personne à déceler et à résoudre les problèmes de nature éthique qu’il rencontre, je proposerai dans ce texte qu’il nécessite aussi, en raison de la part d’autonomie qu’il requiert, que la personne ait le pouvoir de déployer cette compétence. Or, alors que les deux premières conditions d’exercice dépendent de la personne, cette troisième condition, à laquelle je m’intéresserai plus particulièrement dans ce texte, lui (...) est pour sa part externe. Ainsi, je proposerai que c’est non seulement la personne, mais aussi un enchevêtrement d’éléments du contexte, de la situation et surtout, du réseau d’interactions dans lesquels une personne s’insère qui, parce qu’ils exercent sur elle des pouvoirs, détermineront si la personne aura la possibilité d’agir de façon compétente en situation éthique. Ainsi, s’intéresser à la compétence éthique impliquera nécessairement de s’intéresser à la question du pouvoir et à la façon dont s’exerceront les pouvoirs en situation – des pouvoirs sur ou des pouvoirs avec – puisque cela aura une influence déterminante sur le pouvoir de la personne de déployer sa compétence de façon effective en situation. (shrink)

Within the philosophy of biology, recently promising steps have been made towards a biologically grounded concept of agency. Agency is described as bio-agency: the intrinsically normative adaptive behaviour of human and non-human organisms, arising from their biological autonomy. My paper assesses the bio-agency approach by examining criticism recently directed by its proponents against the project of embodied robotics. Defenders of the bio-agency approach have claimed that embodied robots do not, and for fundamental reasons cannot, qualify as artificial agents because they (...) do not fully realise biological autonomy. More particularly, it has been claimed that embodied robots fail to be agents because agency essentially requires metabolism. I shall argue that this criticism, while being valuable in bringing to the fore important differences between bio-agents and existing embodied robots, nevertheless is too strong. It relies on inferences from agency-as-we-know-it to agency-as-it-could-be which are justified neither empirically nor conceptually. (shrink)

The sociobiological and socio-political aspects of human existence have been the subject of techno-rationalistic control and manipulation. The investigation of the mutual complementarity of anthropological and ontological paradigms under these circumstances is the main purpose of present publication. The comparative conceptual analysis of the bio-power and bio-politics in the mentality of the modern technological civilization is a main method of the research. The methodological and philosophical analogy of biological and social engineering allows combining them in the nature and social implications (...) as part of a High Hume technologies class. As result of the transformation of somatic foundations of the human being and his behavior, stereotypes in the object of control and management the technogenic risk reached the existential level. The rapidly growing status of biopower and biopolitics in the conceptual field of contemporary political science becomes by phenomenological expression of these processes. (shrink)

The Aristotle-Kant tradition requires that autonomous activity must originate within the self and points toward a new type of causation (different from natural efficient causation) associated with teleology. Notoriously, it has so far proven impossible to uncover a workable model of causation satisfying these requirements without an increasingly unsatisfying appeal to extra-physical elements tailor-made for the purpose. In this paper we first provide the essential reason why the standard linear model of efficient causation cannot support the required model of agency: (...) its causal thread model of efficient causation cannot support the core requirement that an action is determined by, and thus an expression of, the agent’s nature. We then provide a model that corrects these deficiencies, constructed naturalistically from within contemporary biology, and argue that it provides an appropriate foundation for all the features of genuine agency. Further, we provide general characterisations of freedom and reason suitable to this bio-context (but that also capture the core classical conceptions) and show how this model reconciles them. (shrink)

Michel Weber, Pouvoir de la décroissance et décroissance du pouvoir. Penser le totalitarisme sanitaire, Louvain-la-Neuve, Éditions Chromatika, 2021 ; ISBN 978-2-930517-74-2, ISBN pdf 978-2-930517-75-9, 302 pp., 30 € -/- Même si les modalités de l’ « événement Covid-19 » sont saisissantes et spectaculaires, l’interprétation de ses enjeux est possible à l’aide du double impératif qui a été avancé dès les années cinquante : d’une part, il faut bien saisir les tenants et les aboutissants de la crise globale systémique, (...) c’est-à-dire intégrer à la fois la problématique de la croissance infinie dans un mode fini, et la nécessité managériale du totalitarisme (prophylactique ou thérapeutique) ; d’autre part, on ne peut faire l’économie d’une étude des pathologies du pouvoir pour comprendre nos errances culturelles. Les études rassemblées ici peuvent se lire comme autant d’actualisations et de développements de l’argument arpenté dans mes derniers ouvrages de philosophie politique : De quelle révolution avons-nous besoin ? (2013), The Political Vindication of Radical Empiricism (2016), Pouvoir, sexe et climat (2017), Contre le totalitarisme transhumaniste (2018) et Covid-19(84) ou La vérité (politique) du mensonge sanitaire (2020). -/- Michel Weber est professeur adjoint de philosophie à l’Université du Saskatchewan (Canada). Il pratique également la thérapie psychocorporelle ayurvédique (Cabinet Metabyanga) et le coaching existentiel (Centre Tonaki). (shrink)

The purpose of this study is to present how ancient and modern thinkers describe politics and to discuss reasons for differences seen in these definitions. In the ancient period, the identification of human being as a political entity by nature caused politics to be seen as the most supreme of all human activities. For the ancient thinkers, politics is conceptualized as a pluralist area in which the common issues are discussed by equals and also which excludes inequality. Ancient thinker Aristotle (...) says that the purpose of politics is “good life”. However, modern political thought which began with Machiavelli identified politics with the concepts of force, power and violence. Politics is defined by Machiavelli and his successors as the legitimate organization of physical violence, the distribution of power, value and resources by authority. While in the Ancient Greece violence is excluded from the public-political sphere, It has become one of the central concepts defining the political society in the modern world. While the human being was defined as a political entity (zoon politikon) in the ancient period, it is usually seen as an economic entity (homo economicus) in the modern period. For the ancients good life means a life that is dedicated to politics; nevertheless, it has been often associated with econo- mic activity by the moderns. This study argues that the main difference between the political definitions of ancients and moderns stem from differences between their perspectives about the aim of human and human life. (shrink)

L'objectif est ici de déterminer la mesure dans laquelle nous serions aujourd'hui sortis des catégories conceptuelles sur lesquelles la pensée politique moderne s'est construite.

After giving some examples of the links between astral magic and the political sphere or model (political goals of certain talismans, therapeutic astral magic at the service of powerful people, use of hierarchies of demonic powers), the article focuses on William of Auvergne’s analysis of the stakes of power in the magic art. The Bishop of Paris underlines the logical impasse to which the political power attributed to a magician would lead, and he shows the insuitability of the comparison between (...) the astrological talisman and the royal seal that supporters of this practice could put forward. (shrink)

La science économique a toujours été réticente à l’égard du concept de pouvoir, qui ne saurait être opérationnalisé dans les modèles microéconomiques et qui justifierait des rationalisations ex post. Pourtant, le pouvoir est un vecteur d’institutionnalisation sociale que les économistes se doivent d’intégrer pour faire de la firme un objet de recherche de l’économie politique et réaliser de nouveaux progrès explicatifs. Partant, l’article ambitionne de proposer une analyse méthodologique renouvelée du pouvoir, lequel implique une structure collective tout (...) en reposant sur des individus acteurs. Fort de cette clarification conceptuelle, un essai de définition du pouvoir dans la firme est proposé : le pouvoir est la capacité latente (qui sera ou non exercée) d’une entité A à contraindre et à dessiner les choix d’une entité B de telle sorte que le comportement et les actions de B soient orientés dans un sens favorable à A, et ce par des mécanismes intrinsèques à la relation socioéconomique qui peuvent être formels ou informels. Une telle définition du pouvoir permet de reconsidérer l’agir transformatif dans la firme et de lier le pouvoir aux dispositifs relationnels des organisations du capitalisme. (shrink)

La science économique a toujours été réticente à l’égard du concept de pouvoir, qui ne saurait être opérationnalisé dans les modèles microéconomiques et qui justifierait des rationalisations ex post. Pourtant, le pouvoir est un vecteur d’institutionnalisation sociale que les économistes se doivent d’intégrer pour faire de la firme un objet de recherche de l’économie politique et réaliser de nouveaux progrès explicatifs. Partant, l’article ambitionne de proposer une analyse méthodologique renouvelée du pouvoir, lequel implique une structure collective tout (...) en reposant sur des individus acteurs. Fort de cette clarification conceptuelle, un essai de définition du pouvoir dans la firme est proposé : le pouvoir est la capacité latente (qui sera ou non exercée) d’une entité A à contraindre et à dessiner les choix d’une entité B de telle sorte que le comportement et les actions de B soient orientés dans un sens favorable à A, et ce par des mécanismes intrinsèques à la relation socioéconomique qui peuvent être formels ou informels. Une telle définition du pouvoir permet de reconsidérer l’agir transformatif dans la firme et de lier le pouvoir aux dispositifs relationnels des organisations du capitalisme. (shrink)

Surveillance programs supporting the management of One Health issues such as antibiotic resistance are complex systems in themselves. Designing ethical surveillance systems is thus a complex task (retroactive and iterative), yet one that is also complicated to implement and evaluate (e.g., sharing, collaboration, and governance). The governance of health surveillance requires attention to ethical concerns about data and knowledge (e.g., performance, trust, accountability, and transparency) and empowerment ethics, also referred to as a form of responsible self-governance. Ethics in reflexive governance (...) operates as a systematic critical-thinking procedure that aims to define its value: What are the “right” criteria to justify how to govern “good” actions for a “better” future? The objective is to lay the foundations for a methodological framework in empirical bioethics, the rudiments of which have been applied to a case study to building reflexive governance in One Health. This ongoing critical thinking process involves “mapping, framing, and shaping” the dynamics of interests and perspectives that could jeopardize a “better” future. This paper proposes to hybridize methods to combine insights from collective deliberation and expert evaluation through a reflexive governance functioning as a community-based action-ethics methodology. The intention is to empower individuals and associations in a dialogue with society, which operation is carried out using a case study approach on data sharing systems. We based our reasoning on a feasibility study conducted in Québec, Canada (2018–2021), envisioning an antibiotic use surveillance program in animal health for 2023. Using the adaptive cycle and governance techniques and perspectives, we synthesize an alternative governance model rooted in the value of empowerment. The framework, depicted as a new “research and design (R&D)” practice, is linking operation and innovation by bridging the gap between Reflexive, Evaluative, and Deliberative reasonings and by intellectualizing the management of democratizing critical thinking locally (collective ethics) by recognizing its context (social ethics). Drawing on the literature in One Health and sustainable development studies, this article describes how a communitarian and pragmatic approach can broaden the vision of feasibility studies to ease collaboration through public-private-academic partnerships. The result is a process that “reassembles” the One Health paradigm under the perspective of global bioethics to create bridges between the person and the ecosystem through pragmatic ethics. (shrink)

Electronic machinic phenomena yield fascinating links with biological processes. Either in the macro-micro-structure of binary encoded information ‐ bytes on media ‐ to the processual flow programs execute on hardware while operating it. Observing micro-electronic worlds akin to living entities: electronic voltages running throughout electronic architectures pipelining data to memory registers; operating systems executing programs on electronic substrates; data flows taking place in machines and in communications protocols within networks. Static art-sci constructs explore and visualize these observations as 2D drawings (...) (Neon Paleolitikos Drawings, 2017‐present) or 3D sculptures (Binary and Biological Sculpture Series, 2018‐present), creatively exposing their inherent rhythmic organization of information, while dynamic installations (Phoenix.Wolfanddotcom.info, Wolfanddotcom, Half-Plant, 2017, Ant Ennae Labyrinths, 2019‐present) propose immersive interference mechanisms that attempt user entanglement in non-human environments. Seven aesthetic case examples are introduced and explored, observing and seeking resonances between micro-granular electronic, biological and hybrid data as source synthesis. This research proposes a look at bio-electronic aggregates on Neon Paleolitikos strata. After the Anthropocene, Neon Paleolitikos is an imaginary epoch dating since the decline of mankind until the zenith of bio-electronic life forms: operational symbioses combined among ruins of silica, transistors, algorithms, cells, plants, animals and electricity. (shrink)

Within the philosophy of biology, recently promising steps have been made towards a biologically grounded concept of agency. Agency is described as bio-agency: the intrinsically normative adaptive behaviour of human and non-human organisms, arising from their biological autonomy. My paper assesses the bio-agency approach by examining criticism recently directed by its proponents against the project of embodied robotics. Defenders of the bio-agency approach have claimed that embodied robots do not, and for fundamental reasons cannot, qualify as artificial agents because they (...) do not fully realise biological autonomy. More particularly, it has been claimed that embodied robots fail to be agents because agency essentially requires metabolism. I shall argue that this criticism, while being valuable in bringing to the fore important differences between bio-agents and existing embodied robots, nevertheless is too strong. It relies on inferences from agency-as-we-know-it to agency-as-it-could-be which are justified neither empirically nor conceptually. (shrink)

Plutôt qu’un quatrième pouvoir, les médias constituent un contre-pouvoir à l’ensemble des acteurs sociaux, État inclus. Les relations entre eux sont donc naturellement tendues. Cela n’empêche pas l’État de confier des missions de quasi-« service public » à des instances privées dont il détermine les rôles sans in­ter­venir pour autant dans leur mise en œuvre. En Belgique francophone, c’est le cas du Conseil de déontologie journalistique, initiative d’autorégulation des médias, dont les activités s’articulent à celles du législatif, de (...) l’exécutif et du judi­ciaire. Cette complémentarité constitue non seulement la concrétisation d’un prin­cipe de philosophie politique, la subsidiarité, mais elle est aussi une garantie du respect de l’indépendance de ce contre-pouvoir. (shrink)

L’étude de l’empire a connu récemment un regain d’intérêt, même si (et peut-être parce que) sa définition pose problème. Elle permet en effet d’étudier plusieurs aspects du pouvoir symbolique : les formes d’administration, les modes d’appropriation d’un territoire, les intensités de la souveraineté, les marquages spatiaux de la domination, etc. L’empire de Charles Quint représente de ce point de vue un modèle heuristique, dans la mesure où l’empereur s’est rapidement trouvé confronté au gouvernement de territoires éloignés, de statuts différents, (...) mais rassemblés dans l’aspiration universelle de l’empire chrétien. (shrink)

Today, new artistic practices incorporate scientific techniques linked to medical research that modify the body’s biological performance in vivo, transforming it into a singular laboratory object. In this way, some artists are making works of their bodies by subjecting them to various biotechnological procedures, often invasive. Augmented, the biological body of these performance artists becomes a site for experimentation. DIY (Do It Yourself) enthusiasts or accompanied by biologists and doctors, are these ‘bio-artists’ evidence of the changes brought about by a (...) new mechanisation of the human body, the complexity of which we are only just beginning to understand? Could there be, in the name of art, reasons that justify the creation of utopian bodies that are not eschatological, and that could make us believe in the worst or the best of all worlds? Based on performances by Stelarc, Yann Marussich, Marion Laval-Jeantet and the Quimera Rosa duo, our aim is to analyse what is at stake in this new fabrication of the body outside its biological limits. (shrink)

Bio-ontologies are digital frameworks for handling biological and biomedical data. They consist of theoretical entities and relations with explicitly defined logical structures and precise definitions, whose purpose is to provide a shared language for representing information to be distributed and integrated across diverse scientific contexts. It is tempting to view bio-ontologies as clear and formal expressions of a scientific community’s ontological commitments about their domain of inquiry, and to view their integration as tantamount to the metaphysical unification of science that (...) some philosophers have envisaged. However, I argue that the local, practical, social and technological factors that influence their design prevent us from straightforwardly reading metaphysical conclusions from them. I discuss these complications and suggest how they can be overcome, revealing more general lessons for the development of a well-founded scientific metaphysics. (shrink)

In this article, I reconsider bio-essentialism in the study of kinship, centering on David Schneider’s influential critique that concluded that kinship was “a non-subject” (1972:51). Schneider’s critique is often taken to have shown the limitations of and problems with past views of kinship based on biology, genealogy, and reproduction, a critique that subsequently led those reworking kinship as relatedness in the new kinship studies to view their enterprise as divorced from such bio-essentialist studies. Beginning with an alternative narrative connecting kinship (...) past and present and concluding by introducing a novel way of thinking about kinship, I have three constituent aims in this research article: (1) to reconceptualize the relationship between kinship past and kinship present; (2) to reevaluate Schneider’s critique of bio-essentialism and what this implies for the contemporary study of kinship; and (3) subsequently to redirect theoretical discussion of what kinship is. This concluding discussion introduces a general view, the homeostatic property cluster (HPC) view of kinds, into anthropology, providing a theoretical framework that facilitates realization of the often-touted desideratum of the integration of biological and social features of kinship. [bio-essentialism, kinship studies, homeostatic property cluster kinds, Schneider, genealogy]. (shrink)

Intended both as an introduction to the thought of the Italian philosopher Roberto Esposito and as a mapping of current biopolitical practice, this essay traces the contributions and the limits of recent Italian contributions to the discussion of biopolitics. The essay offers a summary of Esposito's insight into the relation of community and immunity and compares his thinking to other philosophers who take immunity as their object of study . Campbell goes on to read Esposito's privileging of bios in the (...) light of Giorgio Agamben's emphasis on zōē, while making reference as well to Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt's understanding of biopower. He concludes by arguing that the stakes of Esposito's analysis for an affirmative biopolitics concern fundamentally the nature of community and its opening to all life forms as bios. (shrink)