In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho’s thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-cultural minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a (...) dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of “human drama about universe and eternity” is constituted by the struggle between natural necessity and individual consciousness, that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies ; and, finally, by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho’ thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification – that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism. (shrink)

Desenvolveremos dois argumentos. Primeiro: a utilização do dualismo antropológico – modernidade e pré-modernidade, pós-tradicional e tradicional – por parte de filosofias europeias como base da constituição do discurso filosófico-sociológico-antropológico da modernidade-modernização ocidental implica na consolidação de uma compreensão exclusivista da modernidade ocidental como europeização, demarcada pela ideia de que ela é um processo basicamente autônomo, independente, endógeno, autorreferencial, autossubsistente e autossuficiente, sem qualquer relacionalidade com o outro da modernidade, completamente separada dele, bem como na anulação e na deslegitimação dos outros (...) da modernidade como passado antropológico e déficit de modernização ou de racionalização, com a consequente colocação da modernidade europeia como presente autoconsciente, atualidade substantiva e abertura ao futuro. Segundo: a descolonização africana e o pensamento indígena brasileiro, ao desconstruírem esse dualismo antropológico e a deslegitimação dos outros da modernidade como condição pré-moderna e passado evolutivo, rompem o monopólio epistêmico-político moderno de tematização do humano e de justificação do universalismo pós-tradicional, correlacionando-o ao colonialismo e ao racismo estrutural. Enquanto poder originário da/pela diferença, a descolonização africana e o pensamento indígena brasileiro descentralizam e pluralizam as epistemes, as histórias, as alternativas político-normativas e, desse modo, e realizam uma crítica da modernização ocidental desde o lugar de fala das minorias político-culturais. (shrink)

The present article presents brief notes on the "new thought" of the German philosopher Franz Rosenzweig, in the work The Star of Redemption, with the exposure of reason and its totalitarian and violent vocation, which, since Antiquity until Modernity, was based on the tireless search for knowledge of the All, in its essence, with the formulation of concepts, in a closed experience. In contrast, the philosopher from Kassel points out his proposal for a new philosophical system, with a vocabulary similar (...) to the one found in Jewish theology, even being confused with theological thought, which revealed an alternative analysis of experience (open, dynamic, relational and in time), the construction of a plural reason, admitting and respectingplurality. (shrink)

O texto aborda a correlação de democracia, diversidade e educação a partir da condição própria às minorias político-culturais que são efetivamente construídas desde a tríade racismo biológico, fundamentalismo religioso e eurocentrismo-colonialismo, rediviva política e culturalmente pela ascensão do fascismo como eixo estruturante das instituições e da vida sociopolítica brasileira hodierna enquanto consequência e estágio último de nossa modernização conservadora. Nosso problema de investigação pode ser definido com a seguinte pergunta: como é possível desconstruir-se a tríade racismo, fundamentalismo e colonialismo, base (...) de nossa modernização conservadora, a partir da condição, da história e dos valores próprios às minorias político-culturais? Nossa resposta, construída a partir de reflexões fundadas na teoria social e no pensamento negro, indígena e queer, é dupla: minorias político-culturais permitem a pluralização dos sujeitos, das histórias, das experiências, das práticas e dos valores constitutivos de nossa sociedade, desnaturalizando e politizando sua evolução e suas condições presentes; e é necessário que essa consolidação pública, política e cultural das e pelas minorias possa ser institucionalizada em termos de formulação de currículos, conteúdos, práticas e valores próprios à educação básica pública, uma vez que a militância social por elas assumida depende, para sua efetividade, tanto dessa institucionalização a ser assumida pela escola básica pública quanto, a partir daqui, da dinamização de processos educativos que, baseados exatamente na condição e no sentido dessas minorias político-culturais dentro do amplo processo de modernização conservadora brasileira, atinjam nossa coletividade como um todo, moldando uma nova cultura democrática, pluralista, equalizada e reflexiva. (shrink)

In the text, we put the category of differences as anthropological-ontological and epistemological-moral contemporary ethos and praxis which challenge-streamline institutionalized and universalist religions, for example the Catholic Church, in their use of essentialist and naturalized foundations as normative-paradigmatic basis for framing, legitimation and orientation of these differences, as basement for the dialectics between plurality and unity regarding these differences. From that, we will argue that the institutionalized and universalist religions’ central challenge – and, in our case again, the Catholic Church’s (...) central challenge – consists in the deconstruction of the correlation among strong institutionalism, strict anthropological-ontological and epistemological-moral objectivity and political-normative fundamentalism. In this sense, as long as religious institutions bring the differences as normative praxis and epistemological-political subjects into their internal dynamic of constitution, legitimation and social foment of the creed, it is possible to achieve the weakening and the moderation – and perhaps the own abandonment – of the essentialist and naturalized foundations as basis for framing of all areas of human life. Anyway, as we think, this must be the case for gender and sexuality, which could not and should not be grounded on such an essentialist and naturalized basis. (shrink)

Neste artigo, defendemos que as teorias euronorcêntricas da modernidade, cujo mote é a reconstrução filosófico-sociológica do processo de modernização ocidental sofrem de uma cegueira histórico-sociológica que é caracterizada por três pontos básicos: o desenvolvimento dessa mesma modernização ocidental como um processo autorreferencial, auto-subsistente, auto-suficiente, endógeno e autônomo, de modo que haveria a modernidade enquanto racionalização e todo o resto enquanto tradicionalismo, o que, por outro lado, não impede as teorias da modernidade de correlacionarem modernidade-modernização, racionalização, universalismo e gênero humano; a (...) separação entre modernidade cultural e modernização econômico-social, a primeira enquanto esfera puramente normativa e a segunda enquanto esfera basicamente instrumental, lógico-técnica, com o objetivo de salvar-se um conceito normativo de universalismo epistemológico-moral que se confunde com a própria modernidade cultural; e, como condição de tudo isso, o apagamento do e o silenciamento sobre o colonialismo enquanto uma consequência do desenvolvimento da modernização ocidental como um todo. Argumentamos que uma práxis decolonial latino-americana tem na denúncia, no desvelamento e na desconstrução dessa cegueira histórico-sociológica das teorias euronorcêntricas da modernidade em sua estilização do processo de modernização ocidental o ponto de partida epistemológico-político fundamental para constituir-se como alternativa ao paradigma normativo da modernidade, para fundar o seu discurso filosófico-sociológico da modernização ocidental em sua correlação com o colonialismo. (shrink)

The paper aims to clarify the sense of contemporary fascism, particularly from the example of the Brazilian Bonsolarism, defining it as an anti-systemic, anti-institucional, anti-juridical and infralegal perspective with a personalist, devoted, voluntarist, spontaneous and militant character which starts from inside judiciary and in terms of subversion of the relation among law, politics and moral, and that, by means of politicization and partisanship of law, branches to the political system, serving as instrument to the fratricide political war among parties, from (...) there linking to civil society in the form of constitution of a digital-social mass-militia of acclamation oriented to an anti-systemic posture. In this dynamic, the fascism has two constitutive and streamlining cores: on one side, it subverts the correlation of human rights and law, delegitimizing and truly destroying the ontogenetic primacy, the separation, the differentiation, the self-referentiality and the overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of them regarding law; on other, it leads to the deconstruction from inside to judiciary and political system of the highly institutionalist, legalist, technical, formal and depersonalized perspective which is proper to them, eliminating the centrality of the judiciary and, them, delegitimizing its regulator role regarding to political system and to the social dialectics, normalizing the totalizing regression caused by political-moral colonization of the democratic law. By reconstructing the pluralist and universalist democracy’s meta-normative and generative basis as a public system of law, that is, the co-originality of universality of human rights, pluralism and law, the condition of ontogenetic primacy, independence, self-subsistence and overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of these regarding to law, we will point to the renewal of this systemic, systematic, procedural, mediated, instancial, progressive and publicized perspective of the public system of law, in the interrelation, separation and overposition of judiciary and political system, demarcated by a strong ideal of methodological-procedural-axiological institutionality, legality, technicality, formality and depersonalization, which eradicates the politicization and partisanship of law and, by devolving the complete integrality to law-judiciary, confines the democracy’s political system and civil society to their true limits which are its structural basis: the human rights, the legal process and the public system of law, with the necessity of full translation of politics and moral to law, delimitating the pluralist and universalist democracy as a public system of law oriented to the production of universality in/as/by legality. (shrink)

Argumentamos, no artigo, a partir de uma análise sistemática da produção literária de escritores/as indígenas brasileiros/as, que, desde a segunda metade do século XX, os povos indígenas passaram a afirmar a e a utilizar-se da esfera pública, sob a forma de ativismo, de militância e de engajamento, enquanto a estratégia e o lugar por excelência para a tematização da questão indígena no país, como forma de reação a processos de expansão socioeconômica e de negação político-cultural que punham em xeque a (...) sua própria existência, bem como em termos de recusa seja do paternalismo tecnocrático, seja da ideia de responsabilidade relativa a eles impostos. Com o objetivo de consolidarem-se como sujeitos público-políticos atuantes, eles optaram pela educação escolar e pela apropriação de ferramentas epistemológicas e técnicas digitais que lhes permitissem inserir-se na socialização nacional, modernizar-se política, cultural e epistemologicamente para, com isso, dinamizar uma perspectiva de crítica de nossa modernização conservadora a partir da auto-organização comunitária interna e desde a construção de uma rede de interação entre as nações indígenas. Rompe-se, por meio disso, com a imagem produzida cultural e normativamente pela colonização do/a índio/a selvagem, rude e bárbaro/a, confinado/a ao mais recôndito de nossas matas, incapaz de civilização; e, em seu lugar, consolida-se exatamente esse/a indígena socializado/a, modernizado/a, no pleno uso de sua cidadania política, produzindo e publicizando conhecimento, cultura e arte próprias. Da apropriação da educação escolar e dessas ferramentas e técnicas epistemológico-digitais passa-se, portanto, a uma postura ativista, militante e engajada na esfera pública, política e cultural, por meio da correlação de Movimento Indígena e de literatura indígena, em que a promoção da singularidade étnico-antropológica está na base da própria crítica à modernidade constituída e realizada pelos povos indígenas, seus/as intelectuais e escritores/as. (shrink)

This paper criticizes the emphasis placed by contemporary social theory and political philosophy on institutionalism as the basis for the understanding, legitimation and changing of institutions, or social systems, and society as a whole. The more impactful characteristic of institutionalism is its technical-logical structuring, based on an impartial, neutral and formal proceduralism that autonomizes social systems in relation to political praxis and social normativity, depoliticizing these social systems. Here, they are no longer depoliticized, but assume political centrality as the fundamental (...) social subjects of the legitimation and evolution of institutions and society. The paper’s central argument is that it is necessary to re-politicize the institutions and the social subjects or social classes in order to ground and streamline a direct political praxis and the civil society’s social-political subjects as the basis for framing and legitimizing the current process of Western modernization. Recovering the politicity and the carnality of institutions, of social classes and of the evolution of society, is the fundamental task for a contemporary critical social theory that faces the strong institutionalism based on systemic theory. Such politicization is the unforgettable teaching of Karl Marx and Erich Fromm: the institutions have political content and political subjects, they are the result of social struggles for hegemony between opposed social classes which are political. Now, such politicity-carnality must be unveiled and used for an emancipatory democratic political praxis as the route for social analysis and political change, in opposition to the technical-logical understanding both of the institutions and of the social subjects. (shrink)

Reconstruiremos a crítica de Olavo de Carvalho à modernidade, à ciência e aos intelectuais públicos, a partir da sua proposta (a) de um dualismo-maniqueísmo ontológico-antropológico sob a forma de autoexclusão de espírito e matéria enquanto representando o drama humano ante o universo e a eternidade, e (b) de uma perspectiva metodológica dinamizada como intuicionismo personalista, privatista, espiritualista e interiorizado, o qual, como postura anti-estrutural e antissistêmica, capacitaria cada indivíduo humano, independentemente de mediações institucionalistas, cientificistas e tecnicistas, a acessar diretamente a (...) Verdade absoluta e a compreender de si por si mesmo a objetividade do mundo e do homem. Em continuidade, explicitaremos exatamente essa correlação, feita por Olavo de Carvalho, entre modernidade, materialismo, ceticismo, relativismo e ideologia, que descamba para uma ciência positivista-perspectivista incapaz de produzir conhecimento objetivo e de gerar princípios e justificação racionais, para o horizonte da história como espaço do ceticismo e do relativismo, para o instrumento da política enquanto dinamizado por ideologias coletivistas e, finalmente, para a ação institucional-social intersubjetiva enquanto anulando o indivíduo. A modernidade como negação da ontoteologia e centralidade de materialismo, ceticismo, relativismo e ideologia, instaura os dois grandes macrossujeitos totalitários hodiernos, conforme Olavo de Carvalho: a academia e o partido de massas. Palavras-Chave: Olavo de Carvalho; Modernidade; Intelectuais Públicos; Materialismo; Ideologia. “Wise according to the flesh”: Olavo de Carvalho’s criticism to public intellectuals Abstract: We intend to reconstruct the Olavo de Carvalho’s criticism to modernity, science and public intellectuals, from his proposal of (a) a ontological-anthropological dualism-manichaeism as mutual exclusion between spirit and matter as representing the human drama before universe and eternity, as well as (b) through a methodological perspective streamlined as personalist, privatized, spiritualist and interiorized intuitionism, which, as an anti-structural and anti-systemic posture, would able each individual, independently of institutionalist, scientist and technicist mediations, to directly access the absolute Truth, and to comprehend from himself and by himself the objectivity of world and man. From this, we will explicit exactly this correlation, constructed by Olavo de Carvalho, of modernity, materialism, skepticism, relativism and ideology, which leads to a positivist-perspectivist science unable to produce objective knowledge and to generate rational principles and justification, to the horizon of history as sphere of skepticism and relativism, to the instrument of politics as streamlined by collectivist ideologies, and finally to the institutional-social intersubjective action as annulling the individual. Now, modernity as negation of ontotheology and the centrality of materialism, skepticism, relativism and ideology institutes the two main totalitarian macro-subjects of our time, according to Olavo de Carvalho: academy and mass party. Key-Words: Olavo de Carvalho; Modernity; Public Intellectuals; Materialism; Ideology. “Sabios según la carne”: la crítica de Olavo de Carvalho a los intelectuales públicos Resumen: Proponemos reconstruir la crítica de Olavo de Carvalho a la modernidad, la ciencia y los intelectuales públicos, a partir de su propuesta (a) de un dualismo-maniqueísmo ontológico-antropológico en forma de autoexclusión entre espíritu y materia como representación del drama humano ante el universo y la eternidad, así como (b) de una perspectiva metodológica dinamizada como intuicionismo personalista, privatista, espiritualista e interiorizado, que, como postura antiestructural y antisistémica, permitiría a cada individuo humano, independientemente de las mediaciones institucionalistas, científicas y técnicas, acceder directamente a la Verdad absoluta y comprender por sí mismo la objetividad del mundo y del hombre. En continuidad, trataremos de explicar exactamente esta correlación, hecha por Olavo de Carvalho, entre modernidad, materialismo, escepticismo, relativismo e ideología, que conduce a una ciencia positivista-perspectivista incapaz de producir conocimiento objetivo y generar principios y justificación racionales, para el horizonte de la historia como espacio de escepticismo y relativismo, para el instrumento de la política dinamizado por ideologías colectivistas y, finalmente, para la acción institucional-social intersubjetiva como anuladora del individuo. Ahora bien, la modernidad como negación de la ontoteología y centralidad del materialismo, el escepticismo, el relativismo y la ideología, establece los dos grandes macro-sujetos totalitarios de nuestro tiempo, según Olavo de Carvalho: la academia y el partido de masas. Palabras-Clave: Olavo de Carvalho; Modernidad; Intelectuales Públicos; Materialismo; Ideología. Data de registro: 03/12/2020 Data de aceite: 15/06/2022. (shrink)

This paper has two main purposes, the first is to develop a criticism on the notion of modernity, or Western rationalism, presented in contemporary theories of modernity, characterized by the idea of autonomy and self-sufficiency of reason regarding the foundation of a binding notion of social normativity. The study criticizes the main perception of these theories of modernity, namely, the proposition that profane and secularized rationalism, marked by an impartial, neutral, formal and impersonal perspective in axiological-methodological terms, is enough to (...) ensure this same epistemological-moral Universalism without religion and metaphysics. The second purpose consists in arguing in favor of a political and religious Universalism that points to the incapacity of this purist and independent notion of reason in generating and sustaining, without foundation and application based on metaphysics and religion, a universal content of Human Rights. The work is grounded on bibliographical analysis of contemporary theories of modernity, from a criticism to their central presumption, which is the autonomy, self-referentiality and self-subsistence of reason relatively to religion and metaphysics, proposing, as a conclusion, the correlation of reason and religion-metaphysics as the path and the content of epistemological-moral Universalism. (shrink)

Utilizaremos o conceito de sociedade sem mediações, calcada no racismo estrutural, tal como proposto por Frantz Fanon, para explicar a tendência regressiva própria às sociedades de modernização periférica, mormente o Brasil. A partir de uma crítica a Gilberto Freyre e a Florestan Fernandes, os quais assumem uma noção de objetivismo sociológico necessitarista com caráter apolítico-despolitizado para explicar o desenvolvimento e as contradições da sociedade brasileira hodierna (o sadismo-masoquismo de Freyre; a incapacidade negra para a ética protestante do trabalho, por causa (...) do escravismo), recusando, ambos, seja o racismo estrutural, seja o branqueamento racial, apontaremos exatamente para (a) a evolução sistêmica como um projeto político intencionado e planificado do branco/colonizador sobre o negro/colonizado enquanto o efetivo mote e dinâmica práticos da formação e do desenvolvimento da sociedade colonial; (b) a inexistência ou a fragilidade das mediações jurídicas, institucionais e normativas entre essas realidades compartimentadas e estanques da raça (branco sobre o – e contra o – negro); (c) a violência direta e a regressão permanente como as tendências estruturais da constituição e do desenvolvimento de uma sociedade de modernização periférica e racializada, inclusive com o apagamento e a falsificação da história colonial; e, finalmente, (d) a correlação intrínseca, mais uma vez negada por Freyre e Fernandes e, ao contrário, afirmada por Fanon, de raça e classe, raça como classe, classe como raça. (shrink)

Neste artigo, desenvolveremos a crítica de Ailton Krenak à modernidade-modernização ocidental como uma monocultura de ideias que se constitui como uma estrutura autorreferencial, autossubsistente, endógena, autônoma e autossuficiente, não necessitando do outro da modernidade em termos de ajuda e de crítica. Utilizando a ideia de colonialismo como teoria da modernidade, identificaremos cinco problemas fundamentais apresentados pela teoria da modernidade-modernização ocidental de Jürgen Habermas que justificam a crítica de Ailton Krenak, a saber: a modernidade como uma sociedade-cultura marcada por uma singularidade (...) absoluta, enquanto universalismo-globalismo pós-metafísico via racionalidade cultural-comunicativa, diferente de todo o resto das sociedades-culturas como tradicionalismo em geral via fundamentações essencialistas e naturalizadas; a compreensão do processo de constituição e de desenvolvimento da modernidade europeia como um movimento-princípio endógeno, autônomo, autossuficiente e fechado relativamente ao outro da modernidade, plenamente capaz de autocompreensão, autorreflexividade e autocorreção desde dentro, por seus próprios meios, sem necessidade de ajuda externa; a redução da dinâmica constitutiva e caracterizadora da modernidade como correlação, separação e tensão-contradição entre modernidade cultural e modernização econômico-social, com o silenciamento sobre o e o apagamento do colonialismo como movimento, princípio e consequência do processo de modernização ocidental; a compreensão restritiva do caminho constitutivo e evolutivo da modernidade-modernização ocidental, como um processo reto, direto e linear que vai da Europa moderna ao Primeiro e Segundo Mundos, mais uma vez silenciando-se sobre e apagando o Terceiro Mundo enquanto parte constitutiva e consequência da modernidade-modernização ocidental como um todo; e, finalmente, a correlação de modernidade cultural com/como o gênero humano, do gênero humano como um grande processo de modernização e de cada sociedade-cultura particular como uma proto-modernidade, o que sustenta e respalda exatamente a modernidade-modernização ocidental como ápice da evolução humana e, assim, seu sentido e sua vocação universalistas-globalistas, característica negada ao outro da modernidade. (shrink)

Resumo: Apresenta-se, neste texto, a perspectiva de uma crítica da modernidade, por parte do pensamento indígena brasileiro, a partir da sua denúncia da modernização como movimento expansivo totalizante que tem, na imbricação de eurocentrismo-colonialismo-racismo e/como fascismo, seu núcleo estruturante e dinamizador. Defende-se a proposta de um pensamento-práxis indígena que oferece uma explicação alternativa da modernização, enquanto guerra de colonização calcada no racismo estrutural e tendo como consequência o etnocídio-genocídio planificado, o qual também propõe um papel epistêmico-político-normativo aos indígenas, por eles (...) e desde suas formas de ser e estar no mundo, a saber, pacificar o branco. Com isso, inverte-se uma tripla lógica da modernidade: a modernidade como uma perspectiva endógena, autorreferencial e autossubsistente; a modernidade como movimento expansivo linear e reto, rumo ao universalismo pós-tradicional - e como universalismo pós-tradicional - via racionalidade cultural-comunicativa; e a modernidade como a condição exclusiva e necessária da crítica da modernização, da crítica do outro da modernidade e do sustento de uma noção universal de direitos humanos, os quais os outros da modernidade não conseguiriam gerar e nem sustentar.: We develop the perspective of a criticism of modernity by Brazilian Indigenous thinking, from its denounce of modernization as an expansive and totalizing movement that has in the imbrication of eurocentrism-colonialism-racism and/as fascism its structuring and streamlining core. We will argue the proposal of an Indigenous thinking-praxis that offers and alternative explanation of modernity as war of colonization based on structural racism and having as consequence the institutional ethnocide-genocide against Indigenous and Blacks; and also that proposes an epistemic-political-normative role to Indigenous since their forms of being in the world, that is, to pacify the White man. Therefore, we have the inversion of a triple logic of modernity: the modernity as an endogenous, self-referential and self-subsistent perspective; the modernity as a lineal and direct expansive movement towards post-traditional universalism - and as post-traditional universalism - from cultural-communicative rationalization; and the modernity as the exclusive and necessary condition for the criticism of modernity, for the criticism of the others of modernity and for the basement of an universal notion of human rights, tasks that the others of modernity cannot generate or sustain. (shrink)

This paper provides a criticism of the New Left’s discourse of legitimation of the globalization hypothesis based on the same understanding of it than contemporary Conservative Liberalism. According to the New Left’s basic epistemological-political standpoint, the economic globalization is a consolidated process which leads not only to the era of international economy, but also to the failure of a nationalist interventionist politics, as to the irreversible weakening of the Welfare State model of strong political institutions as the basis of economic (...) constitution and of social evolution. According to the New Left, only international political institutions can frame the international economy. We argue that the New Left does not seriously consider the notion of late capitalism, disregarding the political-economic dependence between central and peripheral countries as the fundamental characteristic of international politics and of global economic constitution. Here, international political institutions cannot tackle macroeconomic contradictions and pathologies due to the fact that the international economic order is grounded on political inequality and dependence of these central and peripheral countries. The important epistemological-political question is not primarily the economic globalization itself, but its political basis, that is, the international politics founded on the periphery’s dependence as the condition to central development. Therefore, only the recovery and the renewal of a nationalist and interventionist politics based on the strengthening of political institutions in general and of the Welfare State in particular can respond to problems of economic globalization, deconstructing the New Left’s globalization hypothesis. (shrink)

Criticamos, no artigo, duas exigências fundamentais postas pelo paradigma normativo da modernidade como condição da crítica, da reflexividade e da emancipação, a saber, a racionalização epistemológica dos sujeitos, das práticas e dos valores como critério da justificação e da validade, e o procedimentalismo imparcial, neutro, formal e impessoal como práxis da fundamentação ético-política. Argumentaremos que essas duas exigências teórico-práticas levam a dois graves problemas para uma teoria social crítica e para uma práxis política emancipatória relativamente à modernidade: primeiro, sujeitos epistemológico-políticos (...) marginalizados pela modernidade teriam de abandonar a carnalidade e a vinculação ao seu contexto e sua situação de vítimas da modernidade como condição de uma perspectiva crítica frente à própria modernidade como universalismo epistemológico-moral autêntico; segundo, uma perspectiva político-metodológica imparcial, neutral, formal e impessoal conduz tanto à apoliticidade e à despolitização dos sujeitos da fundamentação quanto à correlação de institucionalismo forte, cientificismo e lógica sistêmica, já que, nesse segundo caso, apenas as instituições e desde uma dinâmica lógico-técnica têm condições de assumir uma atuação e um enquadramento sociais nesses requisitos de imparcialidade, impessoalidade, neutralidade e formalismo. Como alternativa, apontaremos para a necessidade, por parte das vítimas da modernização, de uma voz- práxis política-politizante, carnal e vinculada, que tem como ponto de partida sua condição de marginalização e sua pertença social e antropológica como base da autoafirmação, da resistência e da luta e que se processa sob a forma de um anarquismo estético-político anti-sistêmico, anti-institucionalista e anti-cientificista, aberto, inclusivo e participativo. Palavras-chave: Modernização. Institucionalismo. Lógica sistêmica. Excluídos. Anarquismo estético-político. (shrink)

Nada hay más confortable para el hombre, ni más peligroso, que las certezas. Nuestra mejor defensa es la filosofía, que consiste engran medida en el arte de cuestionarlas, de atreverse a pensar, de interpelar las verdades establecidas y ver qué esconden. En estepaseo por la historia de la filosofía, Fernando Savater nos presenta a los grandes personajes que con sus preguntas, y en ocasiones con sus respuestas, han marcado el pensamiento occidental. Platón, Aristóteles, Hobbes, Tomás de Aquino, Nietzsche, Marx, (...) Ortega, Wittgenstein y hasta dieciocho filósofos más desfilan por estas páginas de la mano de Savater, que con su habitual estilo lúcido, ameno e inteligente explica sus ideas más importantes y resume sus trayectorias. Un canto al irrenunciable ejercicio de la libertad intelectual, este libro es en realidad una invitación a huir de los tópicos y a compartir con los grandes filósofos la maravillosa aventura de pensar. (shrink)

La epistemología política es un ámbito de investigación en progresiva construcción que se sitúa en la intersección de la filosofía política y de la epistemología, que, quizás por su reciente aparición en la literatura académica, tiene más un aire de familia, que muestran las colecciones de temas (injusticia epistémica, ignorancia estructural, democracia y expertos) que una construcción conceptual que dé cuenta de tal intersección de lo político y lo epistemológico. Este trabajo propone una explicación de este espacio de confluencia y (...) lo entiende como la interacción (positiva y negativa) de las posiciones sociales y cognitivas de los agentes. En este espacio, las demandas de justicia y conocimiento se influyen reforzándose o debilitándose. La dinámica común (justicia-conocimiento) es lo que constituye este campo de investigación en el que la diversidad de temas que han sido tratados hasta el momento son expresiones de las situaciones y circunstancias sociales en las que las virtudes de la justicia y el conocimiento se constriñen mutuamente. (shrink)

The study aimed to comprehensively overview the experiences encountered by public school employees during the recruitment, selection, and placement (RSP) process within the DepEd Bohol Division. Employing a qualitative-descriptive research design, the researchers utilized a phenomenological approach to delve deeply into these experiences, shedding light on the nuances and intricacies of the division's RSP process. As Lambert et al. (2013) described, qualitative- descriptive studies aim to provide a comprehensive and detailed summary of specific events experienced by individuals or groups in (...) everyday terms. To achieve this, Colaizzi's (1978) data analysis method was applied, meticulously gathering, transcribing, and analyzing recorded participant responses. The rigorous analysis revealed that an overwhelming 81% of the participants recognized significant challenges within the current RSP system of the division, underscoring the pressing need for a renewed approach to address these identified challenges. This highlighted the necessity for an RSP policy that is responsive and innovative, tailored to meet the evolving needs and expectations of applicants, schools, and the division. By implementing improvements to the RSP process, a more efficient and timely filling of vacated and newly available positions is anticipated, contributing to the seamless functioning of the educational system and ultimately enhancing the prospects of success. (shrink)

En el terreno de la moral, el contraste entre lo ¿que el filósofo Wilfrid Sellars denominó «la ¿imagen manifiesta» y la «imagen científica» es enorme y tiene unas consecuencias prácticas ineludibles. Este libro reduce la distancia entre esa imagen manifiesta y la imagen científica, dotando al lector de referencias fundamentales, enfoques diversos y un amplio abanico de temáticas a partir de investigaciones experimentales sobre nuestra conducta moral.

We consider foundational questions related to the definition of functions by corecursion. This method is especially suited to functions into the greatest fixed point of some monotone operator, and it is most applicable in the context of non-wellfounded sets. We review the work on the Special Final Coalgebra Theorem of Aczel [1] and the Corecursion Theorem of Barwise and Moss [4]. We offer a condition weaker than Aczel's condition of uniformity on maps, and then we prove a result relating the (...) operators satisfying the new condition to the smooth operators of [4]. (shrink)

Educational transitions play a pivotal role in shaping educational careers, and ultimately social inequality. Whereas parental socioeconomic status (SES) and cognitive ability have long been identified as key determinants of successful educational transitions, much less is known about the role of socio-emotional skills. To address this gap, the present study investigated whether Big Five personality traits predict success in the transition from secondary school to vocational education and training (VET) above and beyond SES, cognitive ability, and other covariates. Using data (...) from Starting Cohort 4 of the German National Educational Panel Study (NEPS; N = 4,137), we defined seven indicators of successful transition: obtaining a VET position, number of acceptances for VET positions, starting a VET position, (the absence of) dropout intentions and actual dropout, final VET grade, and satisfaction with VET. The results revealed that some Big Five traits were incrementally associated with several indicators of transition success. Conscientiousness emerged as the single most relevant trait, predicting all the transition success indicators but one (dropout intentions). The other Big Five traits had much weaker and less consistent links with transition success. Extraversion predicted the final VET grade and obtaining a VET position; Agreeableness was linked to a higher risk of dropout. Openness and Emotional Stability had no incremental effects on transition success. There was also some evidence for both compensatory and synergistic interactive effects, with Openness moderating mainly the effects of parental SES (on dropout intentions, actual dropout, and number of acceptances), and Agreeableness moderating the effects of cognitive ability (on obtaining a VET position, number of acceptances, and satisfaction with VET). Although individual effect sizes were small, the Big Five’s joint contribution to transition success was non-negligible, and often larger than that of sociodemographic characteristics and cognitive ability. Our results suggest a hitherto underappreciated contribution of personality to successful transitions to VET. (shrink)

This electronic document serves as a guide on how to get a LAMP stack running on a Google Compute Engine virtual machine instance running Debian.

This research tackled the challenges public secondary schools in Sagbayan District, Bohol, faced regarding records management. The study employed a mixed research design, combining both descriptive-qualitative and descriptive- quantitative methods. The qualitative phase involved conducting in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with relevant stakeholders involved in records management. On the other hand, the quantitative phase utilized survey questionnaires to gather data from relevant stakeholders to determine the acceptability of the proposed MIS among end-users. The first phase findings revealed various challenges (...) in records management faced by the schools, such as inefficient manual record-keeping systems, difficulties in data retrieval, and the risk of data loss due to inadequate backup procedures. These challenges highlighted the need for a comprehensive, technology-driven solution to streamline records management processes and ensure data security. The evaluation results in the second phase showed that the developed Management Information System (MIS) was well-accepted among the end users. The absence of any significant difference in the level of acceptability among the participants further validated the system's suitability for addressing their specific needs. The successful implementation of the MIS proved to be an effective solution to the records management challenges faced by the public secondary schools in Sagbayan District, Bohol. (shrink)

To begin with -- Genealogy of the cerebral subject -- Disciplines of the neuro -- Cerebralizing distress -- Brains on screen and paper -- Up for grabs.

A logical system is studied whose well-formed representations consist of diagrams rather than formulas. The system, due to Shin [2, 3], is shown to be complete by an argument concerning maximally consistent sets of diagrams. The argument is complicated by the lack of a straight forward counterpart of atomic formulas for diagrams, and by the lack of a counterpart of negation for most diagrams.

We perform an experimental investigation using a dictator game in which individuals must make a moral decision —to give or not to give an amount of money to poor people in the Third World. A questionnaire in which the subjects are asked about the reasons for their decision shows that, at least in this case, moral motivations carry a heavy weight in the decision: the majority of dictators give the money for reasons of a consequentialist nature. Based on the results (...) presented here and of other analogous experiments, we conclude that dicator behavior can be understood in terms of moral distance rather than social distance and that it systematically deviates from the egoism assumption in economic models and game theory. (shrink)

The article deals with the chances of illustration of Mohammed: is it forbidden to depict Mohammed in the Islam? What the history or the religion say about it? The following sentences try to get a brief but deep approaching to that issue, underlying the importance that just a few time ago when several problems related to misunderstanding and hatred set the Muslim world in front of the Western people as violent in a behavior that no one could share. Through the (...) article we will see the lack of respect there was in some images that were published provoking all kind of reactions in the world. (shrink)

El autor expone las dimensiones y circunstancias de una investigación cualitativa realizada en un prestigioso instituto de docentes en Uruguay. Indagando en los rituales de interacción aplicados en el ámbito educativo, se observan los modelos de relación, la construcción de la identidad de docente y demás elementos propios de la institución educativa. En ese contexto, se identifican distintos contextos y situaciones cotidianas que reproducen procesos sociales en los que la finalidad está clara: la enseñanza y el aprendizaje.

The emigration is an arduous and complex process that includes practically all the aspects of the life of a human being. One is a sociological phenomenon: the challenging of the emigrant, the decision making, the election of the destination place, and so on; they are determined by the social issue, by the family, the friends and social networks. Normally the studies on the subject are of a quantitative type, as a matter of fact, the topic has a so deep meaning (...) and it affects so much the human being and its surroundings that seemed essential to me a qualitative approach to respond to the question: what desires, anxieties, fears and frustrations move the people to leave their homes and get themselves to a distant and practically unknown country? (shrink)

Teson critiques a recent article by John Rawls in which Rawls extends his acclaimed political theory to include international relations.

It is well known that Frege's system in the Grundgesetze der Arithmetik is formally inconsistent. Frege's instantiation rule for the second-order universal quantifier makes his system, except for minor differences, full (i.e., with unrestricted comprehension) second-order logic, augmented by an abstraction operator that abides to Frege's basic law V. A few years ago, Richard Heck proved the consistency of the fragment of Frege's theory obtained by restricting the comprehension schema to predicative formulae. He further conjectured that the more encompassing Δ₁¹-comprehension (...) schema would already be inconsistent. In the present paper, we show that this is not the case. (shrink)

This work offers an analysis of all the legal and moral issues surrounding humanitarian intervention: the deaths of innocent persons and the Doctrine of Double Effect Governmental legitimacy - The Doctrine of Effective Political Control; UN Charter and evaluation of the Nicaragua ruling; The Morality of not intervening; US-led invasion of Iraq; Humanitarian intervention authorised by the UN Security Council - Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Rwanda, and Bosnia among others highlight NATO's intervention in Kosovo; The Nicaragua Decision; and The precedents of (...) Panama, Liberia and Sierra Leone. The book's features include: a new framework based on the doctrine of double effect; basic principles of international ethics; outline of the moral argument for humanitarian intervention; explores the morality and legality of military action to end tyranny or anarchy; arguments in a much more detailed and complete fashion than in previous editions; in-depth examination of philosophy of international law; the relationship between custom and moral theory; new discussion of the question of right authority; and a full analysis of recent interventions in Kosovo and Iraq. book addresses a broad interdisciplinary audience of international lawyers, philosophers, and political scientists. In this new edition, the author responds to critics while updating the discussion in the light of the momentous events that took place at the beginning of the new millennium. (shrink)

Why should sovereign states obey international law? What compels them to owe allegiance to a higher set of rules when each country is its own law of the land? What is the basis of their obligations to each other? Conventional wisdom suggests that countries are too different from one another culturally to follow laws out of mere loyalty to each other or a set of shared moral values. Surely, the prevailing view holds, countries act simply out of self-interest, and they (...) eventually consent to norms of international law to regulate matters of common interest.In this groundbreaking book, Fernando Tesón goes against this prevailing thought by arguing, in the Kantian tradition, that a shared respect for individual human rights underpins not just the obligation countries feel to follow international law but also international laws themselves and even the very legitimacy of nations in the eyes of the international community. Tesón, both a lawyer and a philosopher, proposes that an overlapping respect for human rights has created a moral common ground among the countries of the world; and moreover, that such an outlook is the only one that is rationally defensible. It is this common set of values rather than self-interest that ultimately provides legitimacy to international law. Using the tools of moral philosophy, Tesón analyzes the concepts of sovereignty, intervention, and national interest; the contributions of social contact theory, game theory, and feminist theory; and the puzzles of self-determination and group rights.More than simply outlining his theory, Tesón goes on to give detailed examples of international laws, international institutions, and their human rights foundations, putting his ideas to work and addressing legal reforms called for by the theory. He suggests that treaties, for example, should be considered binding if, and only if, the consent to the treaty was given by a genuinely representative government, one that acts out of interest for the human rights of its citizens. Although the theoretical achievement of this book is to challenge received wisdom on the foundation of international law, the practical ambition is a call to reform the international legal system for the post–Cold War era, to substitute for the old order one that gives primacy to human dignity and freedom over state power. (shrink)

If personhood is the quality or condition of being an individual person, brainhood could name the quality or condition of being a brain. This ontological quality would define the `cerebral subject' that has, at least in industrialized and highly medicalized societies, gained numerous social inscriptions since the mid-20th century. This article explores the historical development of brainhood. It suggests that the brain is necessarily the location of the `modern self', and that, consequently, the cerebral subject is the anthropological figure inherent (...) to modernity (at least insofar as modernity gives supreme value to the individual as autonomous agent of choice and initiative). It further argues that the ideology of brainhood impelled neuroscientific investigation much more than it resulted from it, and sketches how an expanding constellation of neurocultural discourses and practices embodies and sustains that ideology. (shrink)

El objetivo propuesto en el siguiente trabajo es elucidar cómo desde la finitud de la existencia puede establecerse la problemática de la temporalidad dentro del entramado de pensamiento de Martin Heidegger. Para ello realizaremos un análisis de la conferencia de 1924 Der Begriff der Zeit, uno de los textos que allanan el camino a Sein und Zeit, en lugar de centrar la investigación en la considerada obra magna de Heidegger. Una reflexión acerca de este texto previo permitirá avanzar en el (...) análisis de la existencia al mostrar cómo el tiempo está arraigado en la existencia individual, no como un solipsismo, sino como apertura de posibilidades respecto del mundo (a la postre compartido con los otros). Una descripción fenomenológica de la muerte posibilitará la apertura al mundo, definiendo una temporalidad existencial que incluye no sólo al instante presente, sino también al pasado (concebido bajo la forma del «haber-sido») y al futuro. (shrink)

It is well known that Frege's system in the Grundgesetze der Arithmetik is formally inconsistent. Frege's instantiation rule for the second-order universal quantifier makes his system, except for minor differences, full (i.e., with unrestricted comprehension) second-order logic, augmented by an abstraction operator that abides to Frege's basic law V. A few years ago, Richard Heck proved the consistency of the fragment of Frege's theory obtained by restricting the comprehension schema to predicative formulae. He further conjectured that the more encompassing Δ11-comprehension (...) schema would already be inconsistent. In the present paper, we show that this is not the case. (shrink)

El pensamiento de María Zambrano emerge, en la distancia histórica, bajo la imagen, siempre sugerente, de una Antígona contemporánea. Como ella asiste al conflicto trágico de una Guerra Civil; como ella apura el cáliz del sufrimiento y la soledad para hacer emerger una conducta ética y moral que sirva de Guía a sus contemporáneos, en un momento de crisis y confusión. Todas las grandes nociones del pensamiento zambraniano (sueño, confesión, guía, alba y aurora) se dan cita en esta máscara, pero (...) será el personaje galdoniano de la Nina de Misericordia, como aspiración pura nunca lograda, el verdadero motor que revela la personalidad de María Zambrano, tal como la vemos florecer en sus obras finales, Aurora, Claros del bosque y, sobre todo, Los bienaventurados. (shrink)

This paper explores the concept of myth in two books written by Kōsaka Masaaki, The Historical World and Philosophy of the Nation. In both, myth appears as a central moment in the transition from primitive to modern societies. The role of myth is closely related to Kōsaka’s notion of nature, since one goal of his reflection is to show how history is supported by the “substratum” of nature. In this sense, he also distinguishes between the natural and historical aspects of (...) nations. After analyzing the subcategories of primordial nature, environmental nature, and historical nature, the paper shows how these layers are articulated by myth. Authority, in the contractual form of potlatch, signalizes the moment of transition to the true self-determination of nations. Miki Kiyoshi was one author who pointed out the problematic aspects of Kōsaka’s theory of nation. A comparison with Miki’s thought uncovers how authority is the main characteristic of Kōsaka’s view of myth. The paper finishes by investigating where this authority comes from. Since it cannot come from nature alone, it should also come from the past character of myth itself, which is an expression of what Kōsaka terms “the eternal now”. (shrink)