Results for 'legitimacy, deliberation, democracy, public sphere, participation, liberalism, citizenship'

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  1.  39
    The Problem of Legitimacy of Democracy: Citizenship, Participation, Deliberation.Michal Sládecek - 2006 - Filozofija I Društvo 2006 (30):123-134.
    In this text the problem of legitimacy of democracy is considered through particular aspects of its crisis. On theoretical and philosophical level, the crisis of legitimacy of democracy is reflected as the primacy which some of the liberal thinkers give to judicial review in relation to self-determination and democratic will. On practical level, crisis as citizens’ distrust in democratic institutions, as well as diminished participation in bringing of political decisions are being discussed. In the text the legitimacy of democracy is (...)
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  2.  19
    Deliberate and Free: Heteronomy in the Public Sphere.Lucas Swaine - 2009 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):183-213.
    In this article, I consider the extent to which heteronomous people can be positive contributors to political deliberation. I examine the normative potential of heteronomous people as participants in public debate, and address the overall effects that inclusion of heteronomous people can provide for group deliberations. I subsequently consider empirical findings that bear upon the case I develop, and conclude that liberals ought to reconsider the importance of heteronomous people in healthy liberal democracy. This philosophical recognition lays groundwork for (...)
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  3.  47
    Religion and the Public Sphere: What Are the Deliberative Obligations of Democratic Citizenship?Cristina Lafont - 2009 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):127-150.
    In this article I analyze Rawls' and Habermas' accounts of the role of religion in political deliberations in the public sphere. After pointing at some difficulties involved in the unequal distribution of deliberative rights and duties among religious and secular citizens that follow from their proposals, I argue for a way to structure political deliberation in the public sphere that imposes the same deliberative obligations on all democratic citizens, whether religious or secular. These obligations derive from the ideal (...)
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  4.  3
    Deliberative Democracy and Inequality: Two Cheers for Enclave Deliberation Among the Disempowered.Allen S. Hammond, Chad Raphael & Christopher F. Karpowitz - 2009 - Politics and Society 37 (4):576-615.
    Deliberative democracy grounds its legitimacy largely in the ability of speakers to participate on equal terms. Yet theorists and practitioners have struggled with how to establish deliberative equality in the face of stark differences of power in liberal democracies. Designers of innovative civic forums for deliberation often aim to neutralize inequities among participants through proportional inclusion of disempowered speakers and discourses. In contrast, others argue that democratic equality is best achieved when disempowered groups deliberate in their own enclaves before entering (...)
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  5.  1
    Associations, Deliberation, and Democracy: The Case of Ireland’s Social Partnership.Niamh Gaynor - 2011 - Politics and Society 39 (4):497-519.
    Over the past two decades there has been a burgeoning interest and research into experiments and innovations in participatory governance. While advocates highlight the merits of such new governance arrangements in moving beyond traditional interest group representations and deepening democracy through deliberation with a broad range of civic associations, critics express concern about the political legitimacy and democratic accountability of participating associations, highlighting in particular the dangers of co-option and faction. Addressing these concerns, a number of theorists identify an important (...)
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  6.  14
    Public Deliberation as Separate or Embedded: Deweyan Democracy and its Relation to Political Liberalism.Ulf Zackariasson - 2007 - Minerva 11:1-29.
    This paper explores two different strategies that may be useful to give substance to Deweyandemocracy’s claim that in order for democratic associations to develop into communities, citizens needto learn how to conduct inquiry in a social setting. The two strategies reflect a principal division amongviews of public deliberation. The first strategy, the separation strategy, closely resembles Rawls’political liberalism by advocating the development of a separate sphere of public deliberation, guidedby factual and normative assumptions that we need not accept (...)
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  7.  47
    Balancing Epistemic Quality and Equal Participation in a System Approach to Deliberative Democracy.Simone Chambers - 2017 - Social Epistemology 31 (3):266-276.
    In this paper, I argue that the asymmetrical mediated communication of the broad democratic public sphere can profitably be understood through the lens of deliberative democracy only if we adopt a system approach to deliberation. A system approach, however, often introduces a division of labor between ordinary citizens and experts. Although this division of labor is unavoidable and I believe compatible with a deliberative principle of legitimacy, it flirts with elitist theories of democracy: epistemic elites come up with the (...)
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  8.  16
    Corporate Politics in the Public Sphere: Corporate Citizenspeak in a Mass Media Policy Contest.John Murray & Daniel Nyberg - 2020 - Business and Society 59 (4):579-611.
    This article connects the previously isolated literatures on corporate citizenship and corporate political activity to explain how firms construct political influence in the public sphere. The public engagement of firms as political actors is explored empirically through a discursive analysis of a public debate between the mining industry and the Australian government over a proposed tax. The findings show how the mining industry acted as a corporate citizen concerned about the common good. This, in turn, legitimized (...)
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  9.  9
    The Concept of European Public Sphere Within the European Public Discourse.Sanja Ivic - 2017 - Etikk I Praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics 2 (2):79-94.
    This inquiry analyzes the concept of ‘European public sphere’ within the European public discourse. In particular, it explores the European Communication Strategy for creating active European citizenship and European public sphere. The European Commission’s Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate failed, because it employed homogeneous and static concepts of public sphere and European values. In this way it reduced deliberation to a mere debate. The European Year of Citizens was not sufficiently successful for the (...)
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  10.  1
    Habermas and the Crisis of Democracy: Interviews with Leading Thinkers.Emilie Prattico (ed.) - 2022 - New York, NY: Routledge.
    The continued rise of populism and authoritarianism throughout the world has witnessed an alarming attack on basic democratic freedoms and led to a divided political and social world. Few thinkers have done as much as Jürgen Habermas to understand and critique these problems, perhaps most famously through his notions of the public sphere, deliberative democracy and discourse ethics. In this fascinating book, Emilie Prattico considers the crisis of democracy from a Habermasian standpoint via engaging interviews with an outstanding line (...)
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  11.  5
    Religion and Dialogue: Textuality, Rationality and the Re-Imagining of the Public Sphere.Stephen B. Roberts - unknown
    Socially and politically significant Muslim communities are posing a challenge to the public spheres of Western Europe: can public reason in a liberal democracy be so conceived as to accommodate the religious reasons of Muslims and other religiously motivated citizens? This question, often discussed from the perspective either of political philosophy or of particular religious traditions, is addressed here instead by drawing on the theory and practice of inter-religious dialogue. The dialogue movement known as ‘scriptural reasoning’ is analysed (...)
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  12. Inclusion and Accountability in the Public Sphere.Christina Lafont - manuscript
    In his essay Religion in the Public Sphere ,” Habermas joins the debate between liberals and critics of liberalism on the proper role of religion in the public sphere. His proposal focuses on what each side of the debate gets right: the liberal emphasis on the obligation to provide nonreligious reasons in support of coercive policies with which all citizens must comply, on one side, and the critic’s insistence on the right of religious citizens to adopt their religious (...)
     
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  13.  17
    In Defense of Moderate Inclusivism: Revisiting Rawls and Habermas on Religion in the Public Sphere.Jonas Jakobsen & Kjersti Fjørtoft - 2018 - Etikk I Praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics 2:143-157.
    The paper discusses Rawls’ and Habermas’ theories of deliberative democracy, focusing on the question of religious reasons in political discourse. Whereas Rawls as well as Habermas defend a fully inclusivist position on the use of religious reasons in the ‘background culture’ or ‘informal public sphere’, we defend a moderately inclusivist position. Moderate inclusivism welcomes religiously inspired contributions to public debate, but it also makes normative demands on public argumentation beyond the ‘public forum’ or ‘formal public (...)
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  14. Radical democracy and citizenship. [Spanish].Pedro Pablo Serna S. - 2009 - Eidos: Revista de Filosofía de la Universidad Del Norte 9:272-280.
    Normal 0 21 false false false ES-CO X-NONE X-NONE MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Tabla normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family:CalistoMT;} This paper presents two views regarding democracy and its relationship with liberal thought. Specifically it shows the main features of radical democracy and how this one can make a proper contact between individual and social aspects and respects the minimum guarantees that must be given to all individuals (...)
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  15. Hermeneutics, Citizenship, and the Public Sphere.Roberto Alejandro - 1993 - Suny Press.
    Alejandro offers a theoretical reflection on citizenship as a political category that could make possible a collective identity defined by the citizens' interpretations of traditions and their participation in the public sphere as well as their construction of a hermeneutic historical consciousness. This reflection seeks to pave the way for a vision of citizenship as a space of fluid boundaries within which there is room for diverse and even conflicting understandings of individuality, community, and public identity. (...)
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  16.  32
    Contestation and Deliberation Within: Dryzek, Goodin, and the Possibility of Legitimacy.Joshua W. Houston - 2009 - Social Philosophy Today 25:241-253.
    In this paper, I pursue a dialogue between John Dryzek and Robert E. Goodin’s positions on deliberative democracy’s ‘problem of economy’ with an eye toward a synthesis that could lead us toward a conception of deliberation that counters the threat to legitimacy posed by this problem. By sketching a view that makes the two accounts more consonant by casting discourses as intersubjectively constituted, with deliberation as the contestation of intersubjectively constituted discourses in the public sphere, we ought to be (...)
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  17.  17
    Contestation and Deliberation Within: Dryzek, Goodin, and the Possibility of Legitimacy.Joshua W. Houston - 2009 - Social Philosophy Today 25:241-253.
    In this paper, I pursue a dialogue between John Dryzek and Robert E. Goodin’s positions on deliberative democracy’s ‘problem of economy’ with an eye toward a synthesis that could lead us toward a conception of deliberation that counters the threat to legitimacy posed by this problem. By sketching a view that makes the two accounts more consonant by casting discourses as intersubjectively constituted, with deliberation as the contestation of intersubjectively constituted discourses in the public sphere, we ought to be (...)
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  18.  2
    The Emancipatory Effect of Deliberation: Empirical Lessons From Mini-Publics.Simon Niemeyer - 2011 - Politics and Society 39 (1):103-140.
    This article investigates the prospects of deliberative democracy through the analysis of small-scale deliberative events, or mini-publics, using empirical methods to understand the process of preference transformation. Evidence from two case studies suggests that deliberation corrects preexisting distortions of public will caused by either active manipulation or passive overemphasis on symbolically potent issues. Deliberation corrected these distortions by reconnecting participants’ expressed preferences to their underlying “will” as well as shaping a shared understanding of the issue.The article concludes by using (...)
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  19. Deliberative Democracy, the Public Sphere and the Internet.Antje Gimmler - 2001 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 27 (4):21-39.
    The internet could be an efficient political instrument if it were seen as part of a democracy where free and open discourse within a vital public sphere plays a decisive role. The model of deliberative democracy, as developed by Jürgen Habermas and Seyla Benhabib, serves this concept of democracy best. The paper explores first the model of deliberative democracy as a ‘two-track model’ in which representative democracy is backed by the public sphere and a developing civil society. Secondly, (...)
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  20.  18
    Democracy, Deliberation, and the (So-Called) War on Women.Melissa A. Mosko - 2013 - Social Philosophy Today 29:33-47.
    Deliberative democratic theory as developed by Jürgen Habermas struggles in its applicability to particular political communities due to its ideality and abstractness. However, philosophers who level this critique against deliberative theory also find in it resources for addressing the legitimacy of live political discourse as it aims towards rationality. This paper takes up the procedural requirement that legitimacy is provided through, as Seyla Benhabib writes, “the free and unconstrained public deliberation of all about matters of common concern.” Using deliberative (...)
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  21.  7
    Democracy, Deliberation, and the (So-Called) War on Women.Melissa A. Mosko - 2013 - Social Philosophy Today 29:33-47.
    Deliberative democratic theory as developed by Jürgen Habermas struggles in its applicability to particular political communities due to its ideality and abstractness. However, philosophers who level this critique against deliberative theory also find in it resources for addressing the legitimacy of live political discourse as it aims towards rationality. This paper takes up the procedural requirement that legitimacy is provided through, as Seyla Benhabib writes, “the free and unconstrained public deliberation of all about matters of common concern.” Using deliberative (...)
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  22. Eine aktuelle ideologische Konfrontation: die diskursive liberale Demokratie vs. Kultursozialismus.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2017 - In Markus Leimbach Stanislava Gálová (ed.), Internationalisierung von Bildung und Veränderung von gesellschaftlichen Prozessen: KAAD-Alumnivereine: Beiträge zur zivilgesellschaftlichen Entwicklung in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Bonn, Germany: KAAD e.V.. pp. 27-50.
    The aim of this article is to depict as accurately as possible the ideological conflict between liberal democracy and an insidious present-day version of communism, namely cultural socialism. Obviously, it is not easy to describe the essential relationships between two complex phenomena that evolve nonlinearly within a hypercomplex environment. The ideological systems of liberal democracy and cultural socialism involve both objective and subjective facts, material and immaterial components, neutral and emotion-laden aspects, deliberate and unintentional behaviors, linear and nonlinear effects, and (...)
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  23.  21
    Participation and Deliberation in Environmental Law: Exploring a Problem‐Solving Approach.Jenny Steele - 2001 - Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 21 (3):415-442.
    This article explores some important recent instances of increased participation in environmental law, focusing on those developments which seek close citizen involvement in decision‐making. It is argued that these developments are best explained in terms of a new understanding of the public's potential contribution to environmental decisions. In particular, there are signs that participation is regarded as likely to lead to better decision‐making. Borrowing from theories of deliberative democracy, the article explores the idea that citizen deliberation may contribute to (...)
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  24.  6
    Junzi Living in Liberal Democracy: What Role Could Confucianism Play in Political Liberalism?Baldwin Wong - 2021 - Philosophical Forum 52 (1):17-28.
    It has been widely argued that East Asian governments should be permitted to promote Confucian values. Recently, Zhuoyao Li rejected this view and advocates that East Asian govern- ments should be neutral to all cultures and religions, including Confucianism. Nevertheless, Li believes that Confucianism does not loses its significance in a political liberal state because Confucians can still propose laws and policies, so long as their proposals are justified by public reason. In this paper, I argue that Li misunderstands (...)
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  25.  21
    Where Are the Missing Masses? The Quasi-Publics and Non-Publics of Technoscience.Shiju Sam Varughese - 2012 - Minerva 50 (2):239-254.
    The paper offers a political-philosophical analysis of the state and publics in the age of technoscience to propose three distinct categories of publics: scientific-citizen publics constituted by civil society, quasi-publics that initiate another kind of engagement through the activation of ‘political society,’ and non-publics cast outside these spheres of engagement. This re-categorization is possible when the central role of the state in its citizens’ engagement with technoscience is put upfront and the non-Western empirical contexts are taken seriously by Science, Technology (...)
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  26.  48
    Diy Citizenship: Critical Making and Social Media.Matt Ratto & Megan Boler (eds.) - 2014 - MIT Press.
    Today, DIY -- do-it-yourself -- describes more than self-taught carpentry. Social media enables DIY citizens to organize and protest in new ways and to repurpose corporate content in order to offer political counternarratives. This book examines the usefulness and limits of DIY citizenship, exploring the diverse forms of political participation and "critical making" that have emerged in recent years. The authors and artists in this collection describe DIY citizens whose activities range from activist fan blogging and video production to (...)
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  27.  34
    Democracy Without Shortcuts. A Participatory Conception of Deliberative Democracy.Cristina Lafont - 2020 - Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    This book articulates a participatory conception of deliberative democracy that takes the democratic ideal of self-government seriously. It aims to improve citizens' democratic control and vindicate the value of citizens' participation against conceptions that threaten to undermine it. The book critically analyzes deep pluralist, epistocratic, and lottocratic conceptions of democracy. Their defenders propose various institutional ''shortcuts'' to help solve problems of democratic governance such as overcoming disagreements, citizens' political ignorance, or poor-quality deliberation. However, all these shortcut proposals require citizens to (...)
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  28.  92
    Deliberation, Participation, and Democratic Legitimacy: Should Deliberative Mini‐Publics Shape Public Policy?Cristina Lafont - 2015 - Journal of Political Philosophy 23 (1):40-63.
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  29.  23
    The Disorder of Women: Democracy, Feminism, and Political Theory.Carole Pateman - 1989 - Stanford University Press.
    Carole Pateman is one of the leading political theorists writing today. This wide-ranging volume brings together for the first time a selection of her work on democratic theory and feminist criticism of mainstream political theory. The volume includes substantial discussions of problems of democracy, citizenship and the welfare state, including the largely unrecognized difficulties surrounding women's participation. The inclusion of essays from both a mainstream and feminist perspective provides concrete examples of the differences between these two approaches to democracy, (...)
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  30. Subjectivity and Citizenship: Habermas and Kristeva on Agency in the Public Sphere.Noelle Claire Mcafee - 1998 - Dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin
    I address the question of whether certain poststructuralist theories of subjectivity can contribute to Habermas's project of deliberative democracy--whether effective political agency requires that we be the kinds of individuals supposed by the modern liberal tradition or whether effective citizenship is possible under a poststructuralist theory of the subject as an "open system." I find that poststructuralist subjectivities can be effective political agents. ;In part one, I introduce two sometimes warring theories of subjectivity. One is the theory of Jurgen (...)
     
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  31. Legitimacy, Democracy and Public Justification: Rawls' Political Liberalism Versus Gaus' Justificatory Liberalism.Enzo Rossi - 2014 - Res Publica 20 (1):9-25.
    Public justification-based accounts of liberal legitimacy rely on the idea that a polity’s basic structure should, in some sense, be acceptable to its citizens. In this paper I discuss the prospects of that approach through the lens of Gerald Gaus’ critique of John Rawls’ paradigmatic account of democratic public justification. I argue that Gaus does succeed in pointing out some significant problems for Rawls’ political liberalism; yet his alternative, justificatory liberalism, is not voluntaristic enough to satisfy the desiderata (...)
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  32.  87
    Democracy and the Square: Recognizing the Democratic Value of the Recent Public Sphere Movements.Fuat Gursozlu - 2015 - Essays in Philosophy 16 (1):26-42.
    The paper considers the democratic value of the recent public sphere movements—from Occupy Wall Street to Taksim Gezi Park, from Tahrir Square to Sofia. It argues that the mainstream models of democracy fail to grasp the significance of these movements and the emergent political forms within these movements due to their narrow account of politics and democracy. To fully grasp the democratic value of recent public sphere movements, we should approach them from an agonistic perspective. Once democratic politics (...)
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  33. Moderate Inclusivism and the Conversational Translation Proviso: Revising Habermas' Ethics of Citizenship.Jonas Jakobsen - 2019 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11 (4):87-112.
    Habermas’ ‘ethics of citizenship’ raises a number of relevant concerns about the dangers of a secularistic exclusion of religious contributions to public deliberation, on the one hand, and the dangers of religious conflict and sectarianism in politics, on the other. Agreeing largely with these concerns, the paper identities four problems with Habermas’ approach, and attempts to overcome them: the full exclusion of religious reasons from parliamentary debate; the full inclusion of religious reasons in the informal public sphere; (...)
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  34.  1
    Diy Citizenship: Critical Making and Social Media.Ronald Deibert - 2014 - MIT Press.
    How social media and DIY communities have enabled new forms of political participation that emphasize doing and making rather than passive consumption. Today, DIY—do-it-yourself—describes more than self-taught carpentry. Social media enables DIY citizens to organize and protest in new ways and to repurpose corporate content in order to offer political counternarratives. This book examines the usefulness and limits of DIY citizenship, exploring the diverse forms of political participation and “critical making” that have emerged in recent years. The authors and (...)
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  35.  79
    Epistemic Justice and Democratic Legitimacy.Susan Dieleman - 2015 - Hypatia 30 (4):794-810.
    The deliberative turn in political philosophy sees theorists attempting to ground democratic legitimacy in free, rational, and public deliberation among citizens. However, feminist theorists have criticized prominent accounts of deliberative democracy, and of the public sphere that is its site, for being too exclusionary. Iris Marion Young, Nancy Fraser, and Seyla Benhabib show that deliberative democrats generally fail to attend to substantive inclusion in their conceptions of deliberative space, even though they endorse formal inclusion. If we take these (...)
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  36.  91
    Beyond the Conflict: Religion in the Public Sphere and Deliberative Democracy.Elsa González, José Felix Lozano & Pedro Jesús Pérez - 2009 - Res Publica 15 (3):251-267.
    Traditionally, liberals have confined religion to the sphere of the ‘private’ or ‘non-political’. However, recent debates over the place of religious symbols in public spaces, state financing of faith schools, and tax relief for religious organisations suggest that this distinction is not particularly useful in easing the tension between liberal commitments to equality on the one hand, and freedom of religion on the other. This article deals with one aspect of this debate, which concerns whether members of religious communities (...)
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  37.  4
    Gandhi Beyond Public Reason Liberalism.Karunakar Patra - 2021 - Journal of the Indian Council of Philosophical Research 38 (3):423-444.
    Since contemporary societies are deeply multicultural and plural, the partisan ideological politics obviously animate conflict of opinions and hard bargains that brings coercion into play. Thus political power is exercised to establish legitimacy and stability in the polity. The use of public reason as a tool of public inquiry is considered as most effective in deciding upon the outcomes of laws and policies. The idea of public reason is one of the contemporary innovations of liberal thinking in (...)
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  38.  16
    Democracy and Constitutional Reform: Deliberative Versus Populist Constitutionalism.Simone Chambers - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (9-10):1116-1131.
    Constitutional reform has been an important means to push populist authoritarian agendas in Hungary, Poland, Turkey and Venezuela. The embrace of constitutional means and rhetoric in pursuit of these agendas has led to the growing recognition of ‘populist constitutionalism’ as a contemporary political phenomenon. In all four examples mentioned above, democracy, popular sovereignty and direct plebiscitary appeal to the people is the rhetorical and justificatory framework for constitutional reform. This, I worry, gives democracy a bad name and reinforces the widespread (...)
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  39.  14
    Social Media Filters and Resonances: Democracy and the Contemporary Public Sphere.Hartmut Rosa - 2022 - Theory, Culture and Society 39 (4):17-35.
    Democratic conceptions of politics are tacitly or explicitly predicated upon a functioning arena for the formation of public opinion in an associated media-space. Policy-making thus requires a reliable connection to processes of ‘public’ will formation. These processes formed the focus for Habermas’s influential study on the public sphere. This contribution presents a look at more recent ‘structural transformation’, the causes of which are by no means limited to social media communication, and examines its consequences. It proceeds in (...)
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  40. Rhetoric and the Public Sphere.Simone Chambers - 2009 - Political Theory 37 (3):323-350.
    The pathologies of the democratic public sphere, first articulated by Plato in his attack on rhetoric, have pushed much of deliberative theory out of the mass public and into the study and design of small scale deliberative venues. The move away from the mass public can be seen in a growing split in deliberative theory between theories of democratic deliberation (on the ascendancy) which focus on discrete deliberative initiatives within democracies and theories of deliberative democracy (on the (...)
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  41. Computational Transformation of the Public Sphere: Theories and Cases.S. M. Amadae (ed.) - 2020 - Helsinki: Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki.
    This book is an edited collection of original research papers on the digital revolution of the public and governance. It covers cyber governance in Finland, and the securitization of cyber security in Finland. It investigates the cases of Brexit, the 2016 US presidential election of Donald Trump, the 2017 presidential election of Volodymyr Zelensky, and Brexit. It examines the environmental concerns of climate change and greenwashing, and the impact of digital communication giving rise to the #MeToo and Incel movements. (...)
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  42. Privacy in Public: A Democratic Defense.Titus Stahl - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (1):73-96.
    Traditional arguments for privacy in public suggest that intentionally public activities, such as political speech, do not deserve privacy protection. In this article, I develop a new argument for the view that surveillance of intentionally public activities should be limited to protect the specific good that this context provides, namely democratic legitimacy. Combining insights from Helen Nissenbaum’s contextualism and Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, I argue that strategic surveillance of the public sphere can (...)
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  43. Deliberating in the Real World: Problems of Legitimacy in Deliberative Democracy.John Parkinson (ed.) - 2006 - Oxford University Press.
    This book offers a complete rethink of the institutional limits and possibilities of deliberative democracy and legitimacy. Examining several unresolved problems at the core of deliberative democratic theory, this volume will be vital reading for deliberative democratic theorists and public policy makers.
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  44.  18
    Deliberation and Forgiveness in the Public Sphere.Ejvind Hansen - 2018 - Critical Horizons 19 (1):49-66.
    A common objection to the argument for deliberative democracy is that it cannot provide mechanisms for achieving its ideal of all-inclusiveness. This does, however, not in itself refute the deliberative ideal. In a reading of Hannah Arendt and Jacques Derrida’s writings on forgiveness, we argue that forgiving involves a renegotiation of our enemies and of ourselves. Hereby a renegotiation of the seemingly unbridgeable understandings of who our enemies are can be achieved. Forgiving involves a realisation that we have something in (...)
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  45.  88
    Civic Respect, Political Liberalism, and Non-Liberal Societies.Blain Neufeld - 2005 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (3):275-299.
    One prominent criticism of John Rawls’s The Law of Peoples is that it treats certain non-liberal societies, what Rawls calls ‘decent hierarchical societies’, as equal participants in a just international system. Rawls claims that these non-liberal societies should be respected as equals by liberal democratic societies, even though they do not grant their citizens the basic rights of democratic citizenship. This is presented by Rawls as a consequence of liberalism’s commitment to the principle of toleration. A number of critics (...)
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  46.  12
    Weber's Dilemma and a Dualist Model of Deliberative and Associational Democracy.Stephen Elstub - 2008 - Contemporary Political Theory 7 (2):169-199.
    If deliberative democracy is to be more than a critique of current practice and achieve the normative goals ascribed to it, its norms must be approximated in practice and combine its two elements, popular deliberation with democratic decision-making. In combining these, we come across a Weberian dilemma between legitimacy and effectiveness. One of the most popular methods for institutionalizing deliberative democracy, which has been suggested, is citizen associations in civil society. However, there has been a lack of precise and detailed (...)
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  47. Reign of Appearances: The Misery and Splendor of the Public Sphere.Ari Adut - 2018 - Cambridge University Press.
    The public sphere, be it the Greek agora or the New York Times op-ed page, is the realm of appearances - not citizenship. Its central event is spectacle - not dialogue. Public dialogue, the mantra of many intellectuals and political commentators, is but a contradiction in terms. Marked by an asymmetry between the few who act and the many who watch, the public sphere can undermine liberal democracy, law, and morality. Inauthenticity, superficiality, and objectification are the (...)
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  48. Reinventing Citizenship – On the Connection Between Democracy, Rights, and Legitimacy in the Global Political Order [Spanish].Andreas Niederberger - 2012 - Eidos: Revista de Filosofía de la Universidad Del Norte 17:134-167.
    This article starts by reconstructing the reasons for the modern focus on citizenship as a major guarantee for legitimacy – arguing that citizenship is intricately linked to a republican form of political order. In its second part this paper shows that under the current conditions of globalization citizenships creates or maintains a transnational multi-level order which prevents other persons and polities from realizing (full) citizenship, and even contributes to direct violations of legitimate claims of non-citizens. The third (...)
     
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    Heterotopias of Homelessness: Citizenship on the Margins.Maria Mendel - 2011 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 30 (2):155-168.
    The concept of heterotopia challenges political theory, which has often focused on utopic thinking. Foucault describes a heterotopia as a heterogenous space that juxtaposes in a single real place several spaces, several sites that are in themselves incompatible. Streets, squares and parks form heterotopias when their utopic purity as public space is juxtaposed with the private spaces created by the cardboard boxes and other temporary shelters of homeless people. Since citizenship has traditionally been thought of as participation in (...)
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  50. Democracy and Lay Participation: The Case of NICE.Annabelle Lever - 2013 - In Henry Kipppin Gerry Stoker (ed.), The Future of Public Service Reform. bloomsbury academic press.
    What is the role of lay deliberation – if any – in health-care rationing, and administration more generally? Two potential answers are suggested by recent debates on the subject. The one, which I will call the technocratic answer, suggests that there is no distinctive role for lay participation once ordinary democratic politics have set the goals and priorities which reform should implement. Determining how best to achieve those ends, and then actually achieving them, this view suggests, is a matter for (...)
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