This work takes into account three Cartesian manuals diffused in 17th century France ; Jacques Rohault, Traité de physique ; Pierre-Sylvain Régis, Cours entier de philosophie, ou système general selon les principes de M. Descartes contenant la logique, la metaphysique, la physique et la morale ) in order to question if the development of an empirical attitude in the scientific research influenced their approaches to the study of motion. The article intends to deepen the role that these authors give (...) to God in the physical structure of the universe with the purpose of investigating whether their analysis of motion is untainted by the metaphysical component or on what terms it remains linked to it. (shrink)

The present study aims to analyze the relations between the doctrine of Reason of State and Utopianism in the Italian political culture during the XVIth and XVIIth centuries. Its focus is on the use of time prescribed to the prince as a peculiar tool for preserving his power and the state, while for the utopists time is a condition for rationalising the life of their ideal communities. On the other hand some authors of Reason of State and utopists considered (...) the perfection of the political and social institutions the only way for stabilizing the state, but the perfection is a metaphysical feature devoted to stop the corruption of the political community. So, even in this view, Reason of State and Utopianism are two doctrines that both teach the conservation of the state. (shrink)

Les historiens qui se sont intéressés à la sexualité au xviie siècle ont souvent noté qu’il était rare d’accéder à une parole féminine. Quelques bribes en subsistent pourtant, que délivrent les biographies et autobiographies spirituelles de femmes dévotes et les archives des tribunaux d’Église (Officialités). À partir de cette parole enchâssée dans d’autres discours – ceux des hommes et femmes d’Église qui les recueillent, ceux des juges qui les enregistrent –, opacifiée par des visées particulières – hagiographique ou judiciaire –, (...) censurée parfois, on ne peut espérer atteindre la réalité des pratiques sexuelles. En revanche, les silences qui la ponctuent donnent à voir l’importance de l’ignorance, de l’innocence et de la feinte dans l’expérience féminine de la sexualité depuis les fantasmes et les découvertes de l’enfance jusqu’aux premiers temps du mariage. (shrink)

Le propos de l’article est l’analyse de la cérémonie de la prise d’habit au sein de l’Ordre Notre-Dame du Mont-Carmel aux xviie et xviiie siècles. À partir des sources normatives, picturales et hagiographiques, cette cérémonie est détaillée, notamment la scénographie de l’avant/après, gommant toute marque féminine (présence de cheveux, soins pour un teint pâle, vêtement ajusté, usage de soieries, de bijoux, etc.). Certaines pratiques témoignent de la mise en impatience de ce passage de la soie au drap, qui se traduit (...) par des prises d’habit clandestines, prématurées ou des portraits de mondaines usurpatrices en habit de carmélites. Il est vrai que le modèle absolu de La Madeleine, compte tenu des origines le plus souvent princières des postulantes, n’est pas étranger au prestige de la métamorphose. Réalité et construction représentative permettent de montrer comment le Carmel s’est approprié une cérémonie, qui, dans le contexte compétitif entre les ordres de la liturgie tridentine, valorise la femme, par le biais de la moniale, affranchie des attributs de son sexe. Mais surtout, la vêture a su rendre spectaculaire et désirable ce qui a priori ne l’est pas, la pauvreté et la pénitence du corps et de ses attributs, dans le but avoué du recrutement de nouvelles postulantes. De la rivalité entre drap et soie, le vainqueur n’est pas forcément celui que l’on croit. (shrink)

Doctors have always thought, it seems, that the female body is more susceptible to illness than the male. Ancient medicine founded this dogma on the doctrine of elementary qualities, in attributing to woman a cold and humid constitution. As heat is the principal instrument which nature uses to produce the forces of the body and to maintain them, it must be lacking in woman, as is proved by her weakness, the softness of her limbs, her lack of external sexual organs (...) and the crudeness of her menstrual blood. If the Aristotelians and the Galenists diverge, in the Renaissance and in the XVIIth century, about the nature—fertile or not—of the “female seed,” they agree to pledge the female body to illnesses. Such a predisposition is explained by the female constitution: its coldness and its humidity, as well as retaining women's strength badly, contribute to giving them a “soft, slack body, of rare texture,” little suited to letting the body fluids, of which it is full, circulate correctly; their blood, corrupted by humidity, instead of being properly heated like it is in men, accumulates, blocks up the too small blood-vessels and causes all the illnesses of which they are the habitual victims. To this it is necessary to add the pathogenic importance of the womb, “a part of the body so sensitive and so easily upset, that its least indisposition causes an infinity of strange and almost unbearable evils.” The indispositions which affect this part of the body are always in relation to humidity or dryness, that is with “the two excrements” which it receives: sperm and menstrual blood. Whether, insufficiently impregnated by the virile liquor, “it mounts to the liver and other higher parts of the body to suck humidity from them until it becomes moist,” or it retains for an abnormally long time the seed, which decays inside it; or the periods are suppressed, or on the other hand they are produced too often; all womens illnesses are a question of impeded or excessive discharge. (shrink)

In the XVIIth century the conflict which opposed the jansenists to the jesuits involved the problem of the due process in theological matter. The jesuits heralded the thesis that the infallibility of the Church has to be extended from dogmatics (‘quaestio iuris’) to the historical facts (‘quaestio facti’). On the opposite side Arnauld maintained that such an opinion was ‘monstruous’: also in religious matters the ‘fact’ has to be proved according to the principles of a due process, and (...) not by authority. In this article the thesis pleaded by the jansenists is considered in connection with the model of argumentative procedure offered by the Port-Royal logic.The Logique ou Art de penser (1622) by Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole seems to have rediscovered the classical principles of the theory of argumentation: from the burden of proof to the idea of probable truth. But really a new model of adversary-system has been introduced into the modern mind, which is very different in concept from the topical tradition. The basic metaphor of combat, implying that the truth will prevail in the fight, is compatible with the epistemological premises of the modern logic (as the separation between ‘fact’ and ‘value’). Therefore the problem of the fact-finding seems to be attracted into the area of the logic of information, and not of the theory of argumentation. (shrink)

Cette étude explore les ruptures et les transformations imposées à la doctrine de la liberté d’indifférence au XVIIe siècle. Celle-ci, d’origine scotiste, mais modifiée par les controverses autour de Molina, s’oppose d’abord aux théories thomistes de la prédétermination physique. L’œuvre de Gibieuf, pour qui l’indifférence décroît proportionnellement à l’évidence du bien, en change radicalement la signification. Désormais, certains thomistes pourront accepter l’indifférence, tandis que le jansénisme en fait un repoussoir. La pensée de Descartes apparaît ainsi comme une stratégie pour faire (...) une place à la liberté sans entrer dans les querelles théologiques : elle repose sur deux indéterminations successives, destinées à la rendre compatible tantôt avec la prédétermination, tantôt avec la science moyenne moliniste. Ainsi, Descartes est le seul philosophe classique à faire une place à la liberté d’indifférence, mais il est aussi celui qui la repousse à une place inférieure, amorçant ainsi un refoulement que consommeront ses successeurs.This study aims at exploring the splits and transformations which the theory of freedom of indifference has undergone during the XVIIth century. This theory has a Scotistic origin, but it was modified by the controversies around Molina. It is primarily directed against the « Thomsitic » theories of physical predetermination. The works of Gibieuf, for whom indifference decreases proportionally to the growth of evidence and goodness, has radically changed its meaning. Hereafter, a few Thomists will agree with the indifference theory, while it serves as a foil to Jansenists. Descartes’ thought appears thus as a strategy to give way to freedom without entering into theological controversies. It is grounded on two successive indeterminations, which make it compatible, once with predetermination, once with the molinist scientia media. Thus, Descartes is the sole classical philosopher who admits some indifference, but he is also the sole to force it back to an inferior position, beginning thus a containment which will be accomplished by his successors. (shrink)

Theory and history combine in this book to form a coherent narrative of the debates on language and languages in the Western world, from ancient classic philosophy to the present, with a final glance at on-going discussions on language as a cognitive tool, on its bodily roots and philogenetic role.An introductory chapter reviews the epistemological areas that converge into, or contribute to, language philosophy, and discusses their methods, relations, and goals. In this context, the status of language philosophy is discussed (...) in its relation to the sciences and the arts of language. Each chapter is followed by a list of suggested readings that refer the reader to the final bibliography."About the author" Lia Formigari, Professor Emeritus at University of Rome, La Sapienza. Her publications include: "Language and Experience in XVIIth-century British Philosophy." Amsterdam & Philadelphia: J. Benjamins, 1988; "Signs, Science and Politics. Philosophies of Language in Europe 1700 1830." Amsterdam & Philadelphia: J. Benjamins, 1993; "La semiotique empiriste face au kantisme." Liege: Mardaga, 1994. (shrink)

At the end of the XVIIth century Nicholas Malebranche intervened in the «quietist dispute» in his Treatise on the Love of God (1697). This short treatise presents an anti-quietist standpoint based on the philosopher’s systematic analyses in the fields of theology and of psychology of the feelings and of the will. This article shows how Malebranche takes up the challenge of quietism, the logical heart of which, here reconstituted rigorously, is found in other moral philosophies. The requirement of (...) impartiality produces a paradox when the agent at the same time has to define and take responsibility for his own behaviour, and potentially forget himself due to his requirement of impartiality. Finally, Malebranche avoids this paradox by attributing a very important place to the notion of order, by means of which he fits in with his own analyses on the theme of Providence. (shrink)

Francis Bacon critique souvent l’attitude et les pratiques des alchimistes. Pour autant, il ne rejette pas l’alchimie, qui est la chimie de son temps. Non seulement il intègre dans sa philosophie naturelle des aspects essentiels de la pensée paracelsienne, mais surtout il fait de l’alchimie l’une des sciences auxquelles sa nouvelle méthode doit s’appliquer de manière privilégiée en vue de la perfectionner. Comme de nombreux philosophes naturels du XVIIe siècle, il n’hésite pas à développer sa propre conception de la transmutation (...) des métaux.Francis Bacon often criticizes both attitude and practice of the alchemists. Yet he doesn’t, give away alchemy which is the chemistry of his time. Not only does he integrate in his natural philosophy a few major aspects of Paracelsian thought, but first and foremost does he turn alchemy into one of the sciences to which his new method should be applied in a priviledged way in order to improve it. As was the case with quite a few natural philosophers of the XVIIth century, never does he quavers in developing his own conception of the metallic transmutation. (shrink)

The History of scepticism from Erasmus to Spinoza is often called upon to support three theses: first, that Descartes had a dogmatic notion of systematic knowledge, and therefore of physics; second, that the hypothetical epistemology of physics which spread during the xviith century was the result of a general sceptical crisis; third, that this epistemology was more successful in England than in France. I reject these three theses: I point first to the tension in Descartes’ works between the (...) ideal of a completely certain science and a physics replete with hypotheses; further, I argue that the use of hypotheses by mechanical philosophers cannot be separated from their conception of physics; finally I show that, at the end of the xviith century, physicists in France as well as in England spoke through hypotheses and I examine different ways of explaining this shared practice. Richard H. Popkin’s book serves therefore as a starting point for insights into the general problem: to what extent and for what reasons some propositions in physics have been presented as hypotheses in the xviith century? (shrink)

Cette étude montre comment s’élabore une doctrine de l’objet, et de l’objectité, de la scolastique du XIIIe siècle jusqu’au XVIIe, par une succession de créations conceptuelles et de ruptures interprétatives. Elle débouche sur l’opposition entre concept formel et concept objectif au XVIIe siècle. De cette histoire retrouvée découle une nouvelle évaluation de l’argument cartésien sur l’existence de Dieu.This study shows how a theory of object, and of « objectity » is elaborated, from XIIIth century’s scholasticism to the XVIIth (...) century, through a series of conceptual creations and interpretative breaks. It runs into the opposition between formal and objective concept in the XVIIth century. From this rediscovered story follows a new assessment on the Cartesian argument for God’s existence. (shrink)