Is the principal concern of political philosophy the source of political authority? And, if so, can this source be located in individual consent? In this article I draw on Rousseau to answer the second question negatively; and in rejecting that answer, why we might answer the first question in the negative as well. We should be concerned with questions of legitimacy rather than with the source of authority and political obligation. Our principal concern, that is, should be with the question (...) how well political institutions meet the needs of individuals. I pursue these issues in the context of interpreting Rousseau's distinctive contribution to political thought. I start out by asking the question ‘What problem is the General Will designed to solve?’ I argue that Rousseau's challenge to Hobbes represents a crucial step in the move from the source of authority and political obligation to a focus on legitimacy. (shrink)

Is the principal concern of political philosophy the source of political authority? And, if so, can this source be located in individual consent? In this article I draw on Rousseau to answer the second question negatively; and in rejecting that answer, why we might answer the first question in the negative as well. We should be concerned with questions of legitimacy rather than with the source of authority and political obligation. Our principal concern, that is, should be with the question (...) how well political institutions meet the needs of individuals. I pursue these issues in the context of interpreting Rousseau's distinctive contribution to political thought. I start out by asking the question ‘What problem is the General Will designed to solve?’ I argue that Rousseau's challenge to Hobbes represents a crucial step in the move from the source of authority and political obligation to a focus on legitimacy. (shrink)

Institutions, if unjust, ought to be reformed or even abolished. This radical Rawlsian thought leads to the question of whether the family ought to be abolished, given its negative impact on the very possibility of delivering equality of life chances. In this article, we address questions regarding the justice of the family, and of marriage, and reflect on rights, equality, and the provision of social goods by institutions. There is a temptation to justify our social institutions in terms which highlight (...) their universal accessibility and benefits. But we may best understand the claim of some of our most important institutions where we recognize that they are forms of social good which may legitimately benefit some without having to benefit all. Their abolition is unjustified where there is sufficient value in them given our collective needs that it is unreasonable for some to refuse the means to maintain and promote these goods. (shrink)

Munoz-Dardé (2009) argues that a social contract theory must meet Rousseau's 'liberty condition': that, after the social contract, each 'nevertheless obeys only himself and remains as free as before'. She claims that Rousseau's social contract does not meet this condition, for reasons that suggest that no other social contract theory could. She concludes that political philosophy should turn away from social contract theory's preoccupation with authority and obedience, and focus instead on what she calls the 'legitimacy' of social arrangements. (...) I raise questions about each of these claims. (shrink)

[ Samuel Scheffler] Some egalitarian liberals have proposed a division of moral labour between social institutions and individual agents, but the division-of-labour metaphor has been understood in different ways. This paper aims to disentangle some of these different understandings, with an eye to clarifying the appeal of the egalitarian-liberal project and the challenges that it faces. The idea of a division of moral labour is best understood as the expression of a strategy for accommodating diverse values. It is not an (...) apology for economic self-interest or a device for justifying personal acquisitiveness. /// [Véronique Munoz-Dardé] Are there distinctively political values? Certain egalitarians seem to think that equality is one such value. Scheffler's contribution to the symposium seeks to articulate a division of moral labour between norms of personal morality and the principles of justice that regulate social institutions, and using this suggests that the egalitarian critique of Rawls can be deflected. In this paper, instead, I question the status of equality as an intrinsic value. I argue that an egalitarianism which focuses on the status of equality as valuable in itself embraces a theory of value with the worst elements of utilitarianism while leaving behind any of the intuitive appeal that utilitarianism has. In its place I press that we need a political conception of egalitarianism which stresses the role we engage beyond those found in the norms of personal morality. (shrink)

This article explores the justice of the family. From the perspective of justice, the family causes serious concerns, for it causes severe inequalities between individuals. Several justice theorists remark that by its mere existence the family impedes the access to equality of life chances. The paper examines whether this means that justice requires the abolition of the family. It asks whether everyone, and, in particular, the worst off, would prefer the family to a generalized well-run orphanage. This thought-experiment is used (...) to inquire which value, if any, is such that (a) it would be menaced by the abolition of the family, and (b) in a just society, it would to prioritized over the principle of equality of life chances. (shrink)

In this paper, I concentrate on two themes: to what extent numbers bear on an agent's duties, and how numbers should relate to social policy. In the first half of the paper I consider the abstract case of a choice between saving two people and saving one, and my focus is on the contrast between a duty to act and a reason which merely makes an action intelligible. In the second half, I turn to the issue of social policy and (...) investigate how if at all numbers can have a bearing there, if there is no obvious duty on individuals to save the greater number. My proposal is that it is not the bare numbers themselves (or even the ratio of claimants on either side of the dilemma) which explain our intuitions in such cases, but rather considerations of the extent to which each of us can make a reasonable claim on others. In short, I argue: numbers don't count, people do. (shrink)

Are there distinctively political values? Certain egalitarians seem to think that equality is one such value. Scheffler 's contribution to the symposium seeks to articulate a division of moral labour between norms of personal morality and the principles of justice that regulate social institutions, and using this suggests that the egalitarian critique of Rawls can be deflected. In this paper, instead, I question the status of equality as an intrinsic value. I argue that an egalitarianism which focuses on the status (...) of equality as valuable in itself embraces a theory of value with the worst elements of utilitarianism while leaving behind any of the intuitive appeal that utilitarianism has. In its place I press that we need a political conception of egalitarianism which stresses the role of equality as a political ideal without presupposing any values with which we engage beyond those found in the norms of personal morality. (shrink)

In this paper, I concentrate on two themes: to what extent numbers bear on an agent's duties, and how numbers should relate to social policy. In the first half of the paper I consider the abstract case of a choice between saving two people and saving one, and my focus is on the contrast between a duty to act and a reason which merely makes an action intelligible. In the second half, I turn to the issue of social policy and (...) investigate how if at all numbers can have a bearing there, if there is no obvious duty on individuals to save the greater number. My proposal is that it is not the bare numbers themselves which explain our intuitions in such cases, but rather considerations of the extent to which each of us can make a reasonable claim on others. In short, I argue: numbers don't count, people do. (shrink)

In this review essay, I fijirst analyze the main tenets of Larry Temkin’s Rethinking the Good and, in particular, his claim that the goodness of state of afffairs may not be transitive. I examine one of the key examples of the book, and how it is intended to underwrite this claim. Next I describe the diffference between the threat of non-transitivity and the idea of incommensurability. I also consider the plausibility of what Temkin calls the Essentially Comparative View, and explore (...) possible responses to examples of seeming non-transitivity. I also raise some doubts regarding Temkin’s interpretation of ‘the separateness of persons’ and Rawls’ complaints against utilitarians. Finally, I envisage whether Temkin’s theoretical perspective helps us understand practical dilemmas that organizations such as the World Health Organization face. (shrink)

How can certain cultural goods (for example, museums, ice rinks, opera, the study of humanities) make a claim on our joint resources when there are other urgent needs to be met? Most of us resist the claim that one should sacrifice such cultural goods in the face of urgent needs and their priority as a concern for social justice. At the same time, in refusing the consequence, we are not inclined to think cultural goods more important than the urgent needs (...) of other human beings. What, then, justifies our resistance? (shrink)

This article presents an analysis of the role that the idea of fraternity plays in John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice. Many commentators, G.A. Cohen for example, have taken as their target the role of fraternity in understanding the difference principle. The article highlights the neglected connection between Rawls’s principle of fraternity and the role of sentiments in A Theory of Justice. I focus, in particular, on the third part of A Theory of Justice, which has received less attention in (...) the secondary literature. The main idea put forward is that, contrary to what his egalitarian critics contend, the Rawlsian conception of fraternity constitutes the most plausible version of this political ideal: one which is properly egalitarian. (shrink)

Is the principal concern of political philosophy the source of political authority? And, if so, can this source be located in individual consent? In this article I draw on Rousseau to answer the second question negatively; and in rejecting that answer, why we might answer the first question in the negative as well. We should be concerned with questions of legitimacy rather than with the source of authority and political obligation. Our principal concern, that is, should be with the question (...) how well political institutions meet the needs of individuals. I pursue these issues in the context of interpreting Rousseau's distinctive contribution to political thought. I start out by asking the question 'What problem is the General Will designed to solve?' I argue that Rousseau's challenge to Hobbes represents a crucial step in the move from the source of authority and political obligation to a focus on legitimacy. (shrink)

Munoz-Dardé (2009) argues that a social contract theory must meet Rousseau's ‘liberty condition’: that, after the social contract, each ‘nevertheless obeys only himself and remains as free as before’. She claims that Rousseau's social contract does not meet this condition, for reasons that suggest that no other social contract theory could. She concludes that political philosophy should turn away from social contract theory's preoccupation with authority and obedience, and focus instead on what she calls the ‘legitimacy’ of social arrangements. (...) I raise questions about each of these claims. (shrink)

Munoz-Dardé (2009) argues that a social contract theory must meet Rousseau's ‘liberty condition’: that, after the social contract, each ‘nevertheless obeys only himself and remains as free as before’. She claims that Rousseau's social contract does not meet this condition, for reasons that suggest that no other social contract theory could. She concludes that political philosophy should turn away from social contract theory's preoccupation with authority and obedience, and focus instead on what she calls the ‘legitimacy’ of social arrangements. (...) I raise questions about each of these claims. (shrink)

La position originelle a une élégance et un attrait qui vont au-delà de la plupart des figures philosophiques. Il s’agit peut-être de l’aspect de la théorie rawlsienne qui ait le plus fasciné les lecteurs de Théorie de la justice. Bien que très étudiée, réinterprétée et critiquée, la position originelle est souvent présentée de façon erronée. En particulier, la méthode de raisonnement de John Rawls derrière le voile d’ignorance est souvent comprise comme si les conclusions qu’elle induit se situaient dans le (...) seul cadre du choix rationnel. Il y a donc différentes interprétations de la position originelle, correspondant à des perspectives plus ou moins proches d’une perspective éthique dans le cadre du choix rationnel, que ce soit le conséquentialisme ou l’utilitarisme. Mon but dans cet article est de clarifier le but de la position originelle rawlsienne. J’explique la différence entre une interprétation qui part du choix rationnel et des préférences des individus pour définir ce qui est exigé par la justice distributive et une interprétation qui met au contraire l’accent sur la justification raisonnable. Je montre que même si nous renonçons à l’ambition d’arriver à des principes de justice dans la seule perspective du choix rationnel, nous devons retenir plutôt qu’abandonner la position originelle. Je conclus en montrant que la principale différence entre l’utilitarisme et la théorie rawlsienne réside non dans la distribution que ces deux théories recommandent, mais dans la stratégie de justification qu’elles adoptent. (shrink)

Book description:* Contributions from leading scholars in the field * Timely and important contribution to the moral and political debate about the status of children * Hot Topic The book contains contributions from thirteen distinguished moral and political philosophers on the subject of children. These are new essays and are devoted to a subject that until recently has not been extensively discussed by philosophers. Too often philosophers restrict themselves to the consideration only of the relations between adults. Yet the topic (...) of children is an important one for moral and political philosophy. Recent years have seen an increased concern with the needs and interests of young people. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child which accords a wide range of fundamental rights to children was adopted in 1989 and many states have subsequently ratified the Convention. In this context it is timely and appropriate to ask various questions. If children do not have rights what exactly is their moral status? If they do have rights do they have all the rights that adults have? What rights if any do parents have over children and what is their justification? What duties do parents have towards their own children and towards others in society? How should we educate those who will be the future citizens and workers of our society? What values and what dispositions of character is it appropriate to instil in children? Is the family an obstacle to the realisation of full social justice? Can we in pursuit of justice contemplate the abolition of the family? The book covers the themes of children's rights, parental rights and duties, the family and justice, and civic education. (shrink)

John Rawls is regarded as the most important political philosopher of the twentieth century. His seminal work, _A Theory of Justice_, transformed the study of political philosophy and shaped the political thought of a generation. _Rawls on Justice_ demystifies this difficult text by introducing and assessing: Rawls’ life and the background to his philosophy The key concepts of _A Theory of Justice_, including the ‘orginal position’, the ‘veil of ignorance’, and the two principles of justice Rawls’ continuing importance to contemporary (...) philosophy and influence on political thought Ideal for those coming to Rawls for the first time, _Rawls on Justice_ is an invaluable guide for students of philosophy, political thought, economics and law. (shrink)

The latest advances in quantum computing forced the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) to launch an initiative for selecting quantum-resistant cryptographic algorithms. One of the best-known proposals is NewHope, an algorithm that was initially designed as a key exchange algorithm. In its original design, NewHope presented a reconciliation mechanism that is complex and represents an entry barrier for potential implementers. This contribution presents equivalent schemes in one, two and three dimensions, which allow anyone to make the transition to (...) the 4D NewHope algorithm easier to undertake. In addition to that, the effect of modifying some of the parameters associated to NewHope’s reconciliation mechanism is studied, which has allowed us to propose different sets of parameters that could increase the security of NewHope implementations. (shrink)

We examine the possible role played by field angular momentum in two systems of vastly different sizes: (i) the nucleon and (ii) highly magnetic white dwarf stars. For the nucleon we study the restrictions on the nucleon's structure that arise from the requirement that the total field angular (spin, orbital and field angular momentum) should satisfy the standard angular momentum commutation relationship. For the magnetic white dwarfs we argue that the magnetic field may alter the statistics of some fraction of (...) the white dwarf's electrons from fermionic to bosonic. This would effect the stars structure, giving it a smaller than expected radius, and a lower than expected temperature. In some extreme cases one could imagine that this effect could lead to the collapse of the white dwarf into a neutron star despite being below the Chandreshekar limit. (shrink)

Resumen: En este artículo sostengo que los planteamientos de Jakob von Uexküll constituyen un apoyo científico decisivo para las reflexiones metafísicas de Martin Heidegger sobre el mundo, más allá de lo que el mismo Heidegger reconoce explícitamente. En particular, los estudios de Jakob von Uexküll enfatizan, de mejor manera que el mecanicismo y el vitalismo, la relación que existe entre el medio ambiente y el mundo interior del animal, lo que es fundamental para que Heidegger sostenga en su lección de (...) invierno de 1929 y 1930 que la esencia del animal es el "perturbamiento".: In this paper I argue that the scientific approaches of Jakob von Uexküll crucially support Martin Heidegger's metaphysical reflections about the world, beyond what Heidegger himself explicitly recognized. In particular, Jakob von Uexküll's studies emphasized, better than mechanicism and vitalism, the relationship between the environment and the inner world of the animal, which is crucial for Heidegger to claim in his winter 1929-1930 lessons that the essence of the animal is "disturbance". (shrink)

Resumen El presente artículo busca responder dos preguntas: ¿por qué se produjo la desaparición de la noción de “fraternidad” de la discusión filosófica? y ¿qué relevancia puede tener hoy hablar de “fraternidad” en el ámbito filosófico? Hasta donde se conoce, es posible sostener que la noción de “fraternidad” fue relevante en el mundo de la Grecia clásica, porque ella es, bajo la perspectiva de la “amistad”, tratada por Aristóteles y por Cicerón. Por cierto, la fraternidad es un tema cardinal del (...) pensamiento cristiano-medieval y moderno; con todo, pareciera, inicialmente, que su asociación con el cristianismo llevó a la “fraternidad” a un cierto abandono en el ámbito filosófico, y a ser reemplazada por nociones como la “solidaridad” o la ya mencionada “equidad”. Una de las razones que explicaría la ausencia de la fraternidad sería el triunfo del socialismo científico, en desmedro de otras formas de socialismo, más cercano al cristianismo, como el denominado “socialismo fraterno”. Por otro lado, considero que un aporte significativo de la noción de “fraternidad”, particularmente en el momento que vivimos hoy, es que nos permite contraponerla a la noción de “competencia”. Por ello, en lugar de la competencia, es preferible, me parece, la “asociación” y la “cooperación” entre los seres humanos. Abstract This article seeks to answer two questions: why did the notion of “fraternity” disappear from philosophical discussion? And what relevance can talk of “fraternity” have today in the philosophical field? As far as is known, it is possible to maintain that the notion of "fraternity" was relevant in the world of classical Greece, because it is, from the perspective of "friendship", treated by Aristotle and Cicero. Incidentally, fraternity is a cardinal theme of medieval and modern Christian thought; However, it seems, initially, that its association with Christianity led "fraternity" to a certain abandonment in the philosophical field, and to be replaced by notions such as "solidarity" or the aforementioned "equity". One of the reasons that would explain the absence of fraternity would be the triumph of scientific socialism, to the detriment of other forms of socialism, closer to Christianity, such as the so-called "fraternal socialism". On the other hand, I consider that a significant contribution of the notion of "fraternity", particularly in the moment we live today, is that it allows us to oppose it to the notion of "competition". Therefore, instead of competition, it seems to me, "association" and "cooperation" between human beings is preferable. (shrink)

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar que Edith Stein, en su tesis de doctorado, pone las bases de una interpretación filosófica religiosa y filosófico política de la “empatía”, tomando distancia de las investigaciones y críticas de Max Scheler a dicho concepto en el Sjmpathiebuch. En otras palabras, al entender Edith Stein la empatía como la experiencia del sujeto ajeno y de su vivencia y extenderla no sólo a la relación con los otros seres humanos, sino que también a (...) Dios, pone los fundamentos de un rendimiento filosófico religioso de esta problemática cardinal de la fenomenología que no se encuentra, al menos expuesto de esa manera, en el Sjmpathiebuch de Scheler. Además, es posible identificar algunas aplicaciones de la empatía al ámbito político que permiten entender la relación entre individuo y comunidad.The aim of this article is to show that Edith Stein, in her doctoral thesis, establish the ground-work for a philosophical-religious or philosophical-spiritual interpretation of "empathy", taking away the research and criticism o/Max Scheler to this concept in the Sjmpathiebuch. In other words, as Edith Stein understands the empathy as the experience of the strangers and extends it not only to the relationship with other human beings, but also to God, it establish the foundations of a philosophical-religious performance of this main problem of phenomenology that is not found, at least exposed in this way, in the Sjmpathiebuch Scheler. In addition, it is possible to identify some applications of empathy to the political sphere that allow understanding the relationship between individual and community. (shrink)

En este artículo se analiza una recreación quijotesca en la novela de Graham Greene Monseñor Quijote. Para ello se utilizan dos términos procedentes del Derecho romano: los conceptos de autoridad y poder. En esta obra de Greene, la autoridad surge de los libros o de autores de libros, cuya lectura permite que la vida siga teniendo sentido. En Greene encontramos la estrategia de lectura conocida como las sortes virgilianae que permite a los personajes orientarse en las dificultades diarias. Sin embargo, (...) el poder está caracterizado por su condición iletrada, la ausencia de libros y su ignorancia. In this article a novel by Graham Greene entitled Monsignor Quixote is analysed, a book that involves a recreation of the novel by Cervantes. The author of this article employs two concepts from Roman law: authority and power in his analysis. In this work by Greene, authority arises from the books or the book writers, whose reading allows life to keep making sense. In Greene, a strategy of reading known as the sortes virgilianae is found and this allows the characters to get their bearings in the daily difficulties. However, power is described as illiterate, the absence of books and ignorance. (shrink)

El presente artículo busca reconstruir la discusión entre mecanicismo y vitalismo en la que se inserta Heidegger, a partir de algunas de las referencias explícitas que él hace sobre Wilhelm Roux y Hans Driesch en la lección Los conceptos fundamentales de la metafísica. Mundo, finitud, soledad 1929/30. Más específicamente, mi objetivo es reconocer y analizar las principales tesis de W. Roux y H. Driesch. Ellas son utilizadas por Heidegger para esclarecer la esencia del animal a partir del tratamiento de la (...) noción de «organismo». (shrink)

The distinctive security features of the Spanish electronic national identity card, known as Documento Nacional de Identidad electrónico, allow us to propose the usage of this cryptographic smart card in an authentication framework that can be used during the registration and login phases of internet services where the validation of the user’s age and real identity are key elements, as it is the case for example of the so-called social networks. Using this mechanism with NFC-capable devices, the identity and age (...) of the potential user can be determined, allowing or denying the access to the service based on that information. (shrink)