This article explores gender inequities and sexual double standards in teens’ digital image exchange, drawing on a UK qualitative research project on youth ‘sexting’. We develop a critique of ‘postfeminist’ media cultures, suggesting teen ‘sexting’ presents specific age and gender related contradictions: teen girls are called upon to produce particular forms of ‘sexy’ self display, yet face legal repercussions, moral condemnation and ‘slut shaming’ when they do so. We examine the production/circulation of gendered value and sexual morality via teens’ discussions (...) of activities on Facebook and Blackberry. For instance, some boys accumulated ‘ratings’ by possessing and exchanging images of girls’ breasts, which operated as a form of currency and value. Girls, in contrast, largely discussed the taking, sharing or posting of such images as risky, potentially inciting blame and shame around sexual reputation (e.g. being called ‘slut’, ‘slag’ or ‘sket’). The daily negotiations of these new digitally mediated, heterosexualised, classed and raced norms of performing teen feminine and masculine desirability are considered. (shrink)

The widespread use of social network sites by children has significantly reconfigured how they communicate, with whom and with what consequences. This article analyzes cross-national interviews and focus groups to explore the risky opportunities children experience online. It introduces the notion of social media literacy and examines how children learn to interpret and engage with the technological and textual affordances and social dimensions of SNSs in determining what is risky and why. Informed by media literacy research, a social developmental pathway (...) is proposed according to which children are first recipients, then participants, and finally actors in their social media worlds. The findings suggest that SNSs face children with the fundamental question of what is real or fake. By around 11–13, they are more absorbed by the question of what is fun, even if it is transgressive or fake. By age 14–16, the increasing complexity of their social and emotional lives, as well as their greater maturity, contributes to a refocusing on what is valuable for them. Their changing orientation to social networking online appears to be shaped by their changing peer and parental relations, and has implications for their perceptions of risk of harm. (shrink)

The Office of Communications, established by an Act of Parliament in 2003, is a new sector wide regulator in the UK, required to further the interests of what has been termed the ‘citizen-consumer’. Using a critical discursive approach, this article charts the unfolding debate among stakeholders in the new regulatory environment as they attempt to define the interests of citizens, consumers and the citizen-consumer. Ofcom has preferred to align the terms ‘citizen’ and ‘consumer’ so that the interests of both may (...) be met, as far as possible, through an economic agenda of market regulation. Among civil society groups, there is growing concern that the citizen interest is becoming marginalized as the consumer discourse becomes more widespread. We conclude by advocating the development of a positive definition of the citizen interests, distinct from the consumer interests, for the media and communications environment. (shrink)

L’utilisation des réseaux socionumériques est sans doute l’activité en ligne qui enregistre actuellement la croissance la plus rapide parmi les jeunes. Cet article présente de nouvelles conclusions pan-européennes du projet EU Kids Online sur la façon dont les enfants et les jeunes exploitent les possibilités des réseaux peer-to-peer offertes par les réseaux socionumériques, en se basant sur une enquête menée auprès d’environ 25 000 jeunes . Globalement, 59 % des jeunes internautes européens âgés de 9 à 16 ans disposent de (...) leur propre profil sur un site de réseau social. Malgré des craintes, couramment exprimées, de voir la vie des jeunes entièrement exposée en public, la moitié ont moins de cinquante contacts, la plupart des contacts sont des personnes que l’enfant connaît déjà personnellement, et plus de deux tiers ont des profils privés ou partiellement privés. L’objectif de l’analyse est donc de comprendre quand et pourquoi certains enfants cherchent à élargir leurs cercles de contacts en ligne, et pourquoi certains préfèrent dévoiler leur intimité plutôt que protéger leur vie privée. L’étude montre que les différences démographiques entre les enfants, les facteurs culturels dans les différents pays, et les affordances spécifiques des réseaux socionumériques ont tous une influence sur l’élaboration des pratiques en ligne des enfants en matière de vie privée, d’identité et de connexions sociales.Social networking is arguably the fastest growing online activity among youth people. This article presents new pan-European findings from the EU Kids Online project on how children and young people navigate the peer-to-peer networking possibilities afforded by social networking sites, based on a survey of around 25,000 children . In all, 59 % of European 9-16 year olds who use the internet have their own social networking profile. Despite popular anxieties of lives lived indiscriminately in public, half have fewer than fifty contacts, most contacts are people already known to the child in person, and over two thirds have their profiles either private or partially private. The focus of the analysis, then, is to understand when and why some children seek wider circles of online contacts, and why some favour self-disclosure rather than privacy. Demographic differences among children, cultural factors across countries, and the specific affordances of social networking sites are all shown to make a difference in shaping the particularities of children’s online practices of privacy, identity and connection. (shrink)