Based on the notion that time, space, and number are part of a generalized magnitude system, we assume that the dual-systems approach to temporal cognition also applies to numerical cognition. Referring to theoretical models of the development of numerical concepts, we propose that children's early skills in processing numbers can be described analogously to temporal updating and temporal reasoning.

Where was he active, and where did his surroundings act upon him? In addition to these questions, Antonia Landois deals with the relevance of status of birth and 'acquired' scholarship.

Name der Zeitschrift: Millennium Jahrgang: 9 Heft: 1 Seiten: 163-186.

ABSTRACTHistorians have portrayed the papal bull Coeli et terrae as a significant turning point in the history of the Catholic Church’s censorship of astrology. They argue that this bull was intended to prohibit the idea that the stars could naturally incline humans towards future actions, but also had the effect of preventing the discussion of other forms of natural astrology including those useful to medicine, agriculture, and navigation. The bull, therefore, threatened to overturn principles established by Thomas Aquinas, which not (...) only justified long-standing astrological practices, but also informed the Roman Inquisition’s attitude towards this art. The promulgation of the bull has been attributed to the ‘rigour’ of the incumbent pope, Sixtus V. In this article I revise our understanding of this bull in two ways. First, I reconsider the Inquisition’s attitude towards astrology in the mid-sixteenth century, arguing that its members promoted a limited form of Thomist astrology that did not permit the doctrine of inclination. Second, using Robert Bellarmine’s unpublished lectures discussing Aquinas’s views of astrology, I suggest that this attitude was common during the sixteenth century, and may have been caused by the crisis of Renaissance astrology precipitated by the work of Giovanni Pico. (shrink)

As a representative of the papacy Bellarmine was an extremely moderate one. In fact Sixtus V in 1590 had the first volume of his Disputations placed on the Index because it contained so cautious a theory of papal power, denying the Pope temporal hegemony. Bellarmine did not represent all that Hobbes required of him either. On the contrary, he proved the argument of those who championed the temporal powers of the Pope faulty. As a Jesuit he tended to maintain (...) the relative autonomy of the state, denying the temporal powers ascribed by radical papalists and Augustinians. Their argument was generally framed as a syllogism: Christ, who possessed direct temporal power as both God and man, exercised it on earth; the Pope is the vicar of Christ; therefore the Pope possesses and may exercise direct temporal jurisdiction. Bellarmine simply denied that Christ had exercised the temporal power, which as God, it is true, he possessed. Moreover, he drew up and circulated a list of patristic passages collected under the title De Regno Christi quale sit, to prove to the Pope the orthodoxy of his position. (shrink)

The object of study in this paper is belief. Our aim is to show how, through this concept, Hume's modern and Pirro's ancient scepticism may converge into a fairly similar position. Both the theoretical and at the same time practical attitudes consider it licit to "assent to what presents itself to man in an unavoidable way and independently from our will". As we now, there is for Sixtus as well as for Hume something, regardless of the name we give (...) it , which "induces" us to or "demands" assent from us, [the latter being] a fundamental term which seems to indicate a concept common to both, ancient scepticism and Hume's thought. Would it then be legitimate or justified to keep giving our support to that statement of history that called Hume first an "empiricist" and afterwards a "naturalist"? Would it not be more accurate to trace some pirronism, even unconscious, in the Scot's ideas? Our answer starts off from Michael Frede's non-traditional interpretation, who somewhat firmly set up the idea that the sceptical resign having beliefs, or at least, can have them without by it trespassing the epoché. The central issue will then be to determine which meaning should be attributed to the term "belief".El objeto de estudio de este trabajo es la creencia. Nuestro objetivo es mostrar cómo a través de ese concepto el escepticismo moderno de Hume y el antiguo de Pirrón pueden llegar a converger en una posición bastante similar. Ambas actitudes teóricas y a la vez prácticas consideran que es lícito dar "asentimiento a aquello que se presenta al hombre de modo inevitable e independientemente de nuestra voluntad. Sabemos que tanto para Sexto como para Hume hay algo, independientemente del nombre que le demos , que nos "induce" o nos "exige" asentimiento, término fundamental que parece indicar un concepto común al escepticismo antiguo y al pensamiento de Hume. ¿Será entonces legítimo o justificado seguir apoyando el juicio de la historia que calificó en un principio a Hume de "empirista" o posteriormente de "naturalista"? ¿No será más exacto rastrear cierto pirronismo, aunque sea inconsciente, en las ideas del escocés? Nuestra respuesta parte de la interpretación no tradicional de Michael Frede que fundamentó con cierta solidez la idea de que el escéptico no renuncia a tener creencias o, al menos, puede tenerlas sin infringir con ello la epoché. La cuestión central será entonces determinar qué significado habría que atribuir al término "creencia". (shrink)

Gaza's translation was dedicated to Pope Sixtus IV, his influential re-ordering of the books of Historia Animalium was unwarranted, and our chapter divisions go back to his 1476 editio princeps.

The main aim of this study is to provide some new considerations to support the contested thesis that the Corpus Caspari has to be understood as a unified set of texts drawn up by a single author. Both theological and biographical considerations allow the safe identification of the composer of this ensemble with the future Sixtus III (432-440). Moreover, all the projects that the pontiff carried out, from Santa Maria Maggiore to the monastery he founded in the vicinity of (...) the catacombs, testify to the same opinions on asceticism, virginity and material goods as are expressed in the six letters. Even the signature of some of those letters-treaties should be evaluated as authentic, and it can be connected only to Sixtus III. (shrink)

Während seines Aufenthalts in Löwen machte Bellarmin Bekanntschaft mit einer humanistisch geprägten Exegese, wie sein Brief an Kardinal Sirleto zeigt, in dem es um die Autorität der Vulgata und deren Verhältnis zu den biblischen Sprachen geht. Auch später wird er sich auf Löwener Theologen berufen. Er war also gut vorbereitet, als er den Auftrag erhielt, an der Revision der durch Papst Sixtus V. publizierten Bibel mitzuwirken, deren Korrekturbedürftigkeit Bellarmin erkannt hatte. Um das Ansehen des Papstes zu schonen, schlug er (...) vor, die Bibel aus dem Verkehr zu ziehen. Der Konsequenzen eines solchen Schritts für das höchste Amt war er sich bewusst. Der in diesem Kontext von Bellarmin verfasste Traktat plädiert für eine weite Interpretation des Trienter Vulgatadekrets. Die Rolle der biblischen Sprachen wird ebenso betont wie die Schwierigkeiten einer Revision des lateinischen Textes. Bellarmins Haltung gegenüber der Sixtusbibel, die sich aufgrund der Bulle Aeternus ille infallibler Autorität zu erfreuen schien, trug ihm später von Jesuiten der Universität Ingolstadt den Vorwurf ein, gegen die Lehre von der päpstlichen Unfehlbarkeit verstoßen zu haben. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the rules for the expurgation of texts of astrology in the Iberian Indices of forbidden books. It addresses the prohibitions put forward in Rule IX of the Index of Trent and the bull Coeli et terrae of Sixtus V, and studies its impact on the rules and their interpretation in the Spanish and Portuguese Indices, in particular, those published in the first decades of the seventeenth century: the Spanish Index librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum of 1612 and (...) the Portuguese Index auctorum damnatae memoriae of 1624. It shows how these indices offer a more meticulous examination of the prohibitions providing not only more detail regarding the different practices of astrology, but also explicitly accept the doctrine of inclinations of Thomas Aquinas as a central rule to deal with astrological judgments on human behaviour. It also highlights some specific details of the practice of censorship of astrological books by examining case studies of censored Portuguese and Spanish astrological publications. These provide new dimensions and highlight significant differences between the theoretical rules, practical guidelines, and actual restriction of astrological content. (shrink)

We need to give up single visions that are supposed to embrace social and place totalities. We live in overlapping nets rather than single places. We cannot plan unlimited geometrical vistas a la Versailles; but that was always an illusion, and today it would be an oppression. Can we still plan like Sixtus at Rome? Only if we also encourage other modes of organization at the same time. The whole may often end up more like Tokyo, with corners of (...) design and beauty that do not make an overall plan. (shrink)