It is often argued today that a deep and troublesome gap across the Atlantic has been developing and that Europeans and Americans no longer share the same view of the world. On the basis of data gathered in the 2002 Transatlantic Trends Survey, held in the USA and six European countries, this article assesses whether there is indeed such a gap at the mass level. It focuses on three major dimensions of world views: (1) perceptions of threats (2) the sense (...) of affinity with other countries in terms of allies, friends or foes, and (3) attitudes toward the use of force, both in general and in specific circumstances, more particularly the war over Iraq. It concludes that European publics in 2002 looked at the world in a way that is rather similar to that of many ordinary Americans including harbouring deep reservations about the conduct of certain aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Both publics share fundamental worldviews. On Iraq, Europeans and Americans agreed in some respects (such as the necessary role of the UN) but disagreed on other. In many respects at the mass level the differences across the Atlantic are of degree, and not fundamental. They result from disaffection with the present administration rather than with US policies in general. Moreover, the alleged European is a misnomer, which hides the considerable sympathies and warm feelings towards America, and the perceived common interests and values. (shrink)

Iris Marion Young is Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago.She is affiliated with the Gender Studies Center and the Human Rights Program.Her research interests are in contemporary political theory, feminist social theory and normative analysis of public policy.Her books include Justice and the Politics of Difference , Throwing Like a Girl and Other Essays in Feminist Philosophy and Social Theory , Intersecting Voices: dilemmas of gender, political philosophy, and policy and Inclusion and Democracy .Her writings have been (...) translated into several languages, including German, Italian, Spanish and Swedish.She has lectured widely in North American, Europe, Australia and South Africa.Professor Young's teaching interests range broadly, including contemporary theories of justice, democracy and difference; feminist political theory; continental political theory including Foucault and Habermas; ethics and international affairs; gender, race and public policy.Professor Young holds a PhD in philosophy from the Pennsylvania State University, 1974.Before coming to the University of Chicago she taught political theory for nine years in the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Pittsburgh and before then taught philosophy at several institutions, including the Worchester Polytechnic Institute and Miami University.During the summer term of 1995, Professor Young was a Visiting Professor of Philosophy at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University in Frankfurt Germany.Dr Young has held a visiting Fellowship at several universities around the world including Princeton University, the Institute for Human Science in Vienna, Australian National University and the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa.Her work continues to receive world wide acknowledgement and recognition. (shrink)

This paper explores the possibility of a standard legal language (e.g. English) for a principled evolution of law in line with technological development. In doing so, reference is made to blockchain networks and smart contracts to emphasise the discontinuity with the liberal legal tradition when it comes to decentralisation and binary code language. Methodologically, the argument is built on the underlying relation between law, semiotics and new forms of media adding to natural language; namely: code and symbols. In what follows, (...) I will concentrate on the study of factors that explain why such approach can be fruitful for the future of law and innovation. I have three reasons for selecting this topic. The first is a more pragmatic reason, based on my current research of law as a linguistic phenomenon. Secondly, the topic does also touch the matter on binary code language, rivalrous to legal alphabetic language. Lastly, the study aims at emphasizing the pivotal role of the jurist as an interpreter in a changing society accommodating diverging realms of reality. The study is structured as follows. Firstly, a quick exam of the traits of blockchain networks would provide the contextual link to establish the arguments in support of the need of a standard legal language. Secondly, a comparison between liberal legal institutions and theory of semiotics is set to perceive their functioning and ascertain their limits in the light of todays unprecedented changes. Thirdly, a summary on blockchain networks’ legal features would constitute the thrust behind the idea of a uniform legal language. Methodologically, the argument does also establish some relations with classical laws of physics and philosophy of media. Its aim is to demonstrate how the suggested legal interpretation and semiotic-based approach can contribute to overcome existing stumbling blocks including, but not limited to, the lack of cooperation at the international level as well as the gap in State norms when it comes to innovation. In this sense, the proposed strategies do not intend to replace current advances in the legal thought. In contrast, it seeks to harmonise their results providing a methodical approach that can concur to inform a new technique to address new controversial issues. In practice, the proposed method regarding the adoption of a uniform legal language would lower transactive costs in terms of normative coordination in the matter of international cooperation and in the definition of applicable law among different legal systems. Alternatively, it might contribute to the convergence of legal systems and/or their underlying concepts. Differently put, article’s contribution can be envisaged in fostering juridical consistency with regards to different forms of languages’ coexistence. (shrink)

Infinitely many intermediate propositional logics with the disjunction property are defined, each logic being characterized both in terms of a finite axiomatization and in terms of a Kripke semantics with the finite model property. The completeness theorems are used to prove that any two logics are constructively incompatible. As a consequence, one deduces that there are infinitely many maximal intermediate propositional logics with the disjunction property.

European Journal of Political Theory, Ahead of Print. How should responsibility be theorized in the context of the global climate crisis? This question is often framed through the language of distributive justice. Because of the inequitable distribution of historical emissions, climate vulnerability, and adaptation capacity, such considerations are necessary, but do not exhaust the question of responsibility. This article argues that climate change is a structural injustice demanding a theory of political responsibility. Agents bear responsibility not in virtue of their (...) individual causal contribution or capacity, but because they participate in and benefit from the carbon-intensive structures, practices, and institutions that constitute the global political and economic system. Agents take responsibility by engaging in collective political action to transform these structures that generate both climate hazards and unjust relationships of power. By incorporating distributive principles within a capacious conception of political responsibility, this framework advances the theory and practice of climate justice in two ways. First, adopting a relational rather than individualistic criterion of responsibility better makes sense of how and why individuals bear responsibility for a global and intergenerational injustice like climate change. Second, framing climate justice in terms of political responsibility for unjust structural processes better orients and motivates the political action necessary for structural transformation. (shrink)

1 I difetti del sistema denaro e il denaro come difetto del sistema Vale la pena di studiare l’ipotesi di un sistema economico capace di svolgere le sue tipiche funzioni in assenza di denaro? È utopistico lo scenario di un mondo che decide di fare a meno del denaro e che compie questa rivoluzione nel giro di decenni e non di millenni? È pensabile che una nuova economia non monetaria sia in grado di offrire tangibili vantaggi rispetto a quella attuale? (...) Sono queste le domande a cui intendiamo r... (shrink)

How should responsibility be theorized in the context of the global climate crisis? This question is often framed through the language of distributive justice. Because of the inequitable distributi...

The main thesis that is discussed in this article is based on the criticism of the prevalent interpretative models of adolescence developed during the twentieth century. Models that today appear inadequate in grasping the socio-cultural and educational transformations that deeply mark the ways of experiencing adolescents born in the second millennium. The effects of the historical and social practices that shape the adolescent experience in the 2000s represent an essential key to understanding the forms that the adolescent system assumes because (...) of social, cultural, economic, historical, and material changes. (shrink)

During the second term of Jefferson’s presidency, with Europe and the world ravaged by the Napoleonic Wars, it became extremely difficult for the young Republic to defend the principle of sovereignty from the threats of France and Britain. In response to attacks on American shipping, in 1807 Congress passed the Embargo Act, an economic measure designed to convince the two belligerents to respect U.S. neutrality by cutting off American shipping to all foreign nations. This controversial decision, firmly opposed by the (...) Federalist Party, received strong support from one of the most fervent Jeffersonians of the time, Gideon Granger (1767-1822). A lawyer from Connecticut, Granger wrote An Address to the People of New England (1808) under the pseudonym of Algernon Sidney, where he reintroduced into public debate some of Sidney’s archetypal themes, emphasizing the natural right to oppose abusive power and the vital necessity to preserve republican virtues in order to drive away moral and political corruption. (shrink)

Can a postmonetary economy – i.e. an economy which lacks money – offer preferable results to those achieved by a system relying on money? This contribution presents a critical view of the current monetary system by shedding light on its costs, discussed in terms of “apparent employment”, “apparent unemployment”, and “diverted motivations”. To this end, a cost-benefit analysis of non-monetary economy, within the theoretical framework of marginalism, is carried out. The conclusion is that a post (non) monetary economy is able (...) to lead to a higher production level and a more fair distribution of wealth, albeit at the expense of a lower efficiency. (shrink)

The essay starts from various recent magisterial statements - specially Fides et Ratio - which underline in particular the theme of the knowledge of God as an event that brings to its destination a free and personal initiative of the love of God, which acts in view of the success of such encounter. The philosophical and theological reflection seeks to deepen, in the reciprocal exchange of competences, the structure of this exchange between truth, justice and love of God, in which (...) the metaphysical-ontological and the ethical-existential profile of knowledge of Him illuminate each other only together, through the embrace of their intrinsic connection. (shrink)

In his tightly argued, thought-provoking volume Interpretation without Truth, Pierluigi Chiassoni offers a groundbreaking, reductionist account of judicial fictions.1 Under Chiassoni’s view, judici...

Name der Zeitschrift: Klio Jahrgang: 100 Heft: 2 Seiten: 592-598.

By using algebraic-categorical tools, we establish four criteria in order to disprove canonicity, strong completeness, w-canonicity and strong w-completeness, respectively, of an intermediate propositional logic. We then apply the second criterion in order to get the following result: all the logics defined by extra-intuitionistic one-variable schemata, except four of them, are not strongly complete. We also apply the fourth criterion in order to prove that the Gabbay-de Jongh logic D1 is not strongly w-complete.

Otto Hintze was an excellent example of the cultural turmoil that hit historical and political studies in the great crisis between nineteenth and twentieth centuries, with respect to the destiny of the European tradition and its projection in a political world dominated by new universalistic perspectives. Hintze moved thus between a historiography which was for long time attentive to the Prussian case – which he considered almost a paradigm of the modern State – and political science, in constant tension with (...) Weber’s contemporary foundation of a comprehensive sociology. The essay attempts to investigate the foundational question of legitimacy as the deepest and most innovative character of Hintze’s work. (shrink)

The Author asks himself if the peculiar mode of application of the nexus doctrine/discipline represented by ideol- ogy constitutes the only possibility for reproducing and maintaining consensus in a political community. The constitutionalism’s curve shows the contrary: in the beginning constitutionalism developed as a common field between different ideologies, still it survived their crisis, and has opened a new mode of social and political collective behaviour, defined by the author as «political discourse». In order to overcome the risk of political (...) neutralization produced by the growing importance of technique in the contemporary governance processes, political discourse – considered in its function of language mediator and translator –, might work as an instrument able to link the broken threads of obligation. In order not to reproduce a straight and unilateral political discourse, a radical revision of the concept of measure would be necessary. Measure should be taken as an instrument for the allocation/distribution of differences and, therefore, as a useful element for the creation of consensus in a mass society. (shrink)

This short methodological insert appears like a homage to Otto Brunner, that in some Italian historical literature continue to be, all things considered, remarkable. Instead it is a homage to my wife Giuliana Nobili, co-founder with me and few others of the journal «Scienza & Politica», died the 5 th January 2015.

The essay is a long confrontation with the reconstruction of the story of the state in Italy that Sabino Cassese has recently provided. Moving from the specificity of the constitutional history of the Italian state and calling into question the existence of a more or less pure model to which to compare it, the author reclaims the constitutional relevance of the administrative action in the very institutionalization of the state. The practical limits of the Italian constitutional story, its missed general (...) integration, the contingency of various measures, the definetly unsystematic and eclectic character of many institutions and doctrines are considered, though, as the evidence of the historically declining character of the whole story of the modern state and of the possibility for the administration itself to give instruments which are adequate to the present global scenarios. (shrink)

The introduction starts from the exhaustion of modernity, drawing the fundamental lines of its development inside Western historical experience. The end of the political nexus between theology and politics, the evanescence of nation-state sovereignty, the check of great historical interpretations reveal the necessity of new categories and new organizational models, able to make us answer to the violence that the ongoing processes are liberating. Schiera underlines in particular the relevance of the administrative apparatus because of its capacity to link the (...) global government with global organization, human rights and the commons. (shrink)

Few thinkers have left such an influence across such a diverse range of studies as Michel Foucault has. This book pays homage to that diversity by presenting a multidisciplinary series of analyses dedicated to the question of power today.

Interpreting Nietzsche’s writings on agency and responsibility through the lens of non-sovereignty generates interpretive and political-theoretical contributions. More specifically, I advance three arguments. First, Nietzsche’s genealogical critique of moral responsibility denaturalizes modernity’s conception of individual sovereignty and responsibility, by providing a naturalistic account of agency. Agency and responsibility are neither Kantian presuppositions of practical reason nor pieces of folk psychology to be abolished, but are normative, social, and historical achievements, and thus non-sovereign. Second, this implies a theory of responsibility that (...) is simultaneously more and less demanding than moralistic accounts: while, because agents are not autonomous, they do not bear sole responsibility for their lives, they are called upon to be responsible to and for the world, by maintaining the conditions of possible agency and flourishing. Third, Nietzsche provides both generative resources and cautionary tales for political theories of non-sovereign agency. While non-sovereign responsibility holds emancipatory and potentially democratic implications, Nietzsche’s explicit political writings demonstrate the risk that, rather than tempering existential resentment, this account could generate and intensify a resentful anti-political authoritarianism. Just as non-sovereignty provides a useful framework for making sense of tensions within Nietzsche’s thought, Nietzsche’s post-moral theory of agency and responsibility brings forward tensions, provocations, and paradoxes that must be engaged by theorists of non-sovereignty. (shrink)

L’obiettivo di questo saggio è modesto. Presenterò brevemente la dottrina della proporzionalità, così come concepita da Robert Alexy. Evidenzierò quindi alcuni aspetti rilevanti della stessa, per poi formulare una critica puntuale all’argomento della contraddizione performativa. In particolare cercherò di provare che, contrariamente a quanto pensa Alexy, la pratica della prescrizione non solleva alcuna pretesa di correttezza morale.

Namen tega uvodnega zapisa je dokaj skromen. Najprej bom na kratko predstavil doktrino sorazmernosti, kot jo pojmuje Robert Alexy. Nato bom izpostavil nekaj pomembnih posledic te doktrine. Na koncu pa bom podal nekaj posameznih ugovorov proti performativnim protislovjem. Tako bom skušal dokazati, da v jezikovni praksi – nasprotno od tega, kar meni Alexy – predpisna dejanja ne vključujejo nujno zatrditve pravilnosti.

In Vanuatu, small-scale farmers’ subsistence still largely relies on the sustainable use and maintenance of a wide-ranging biodiversity out of which root and tuber crops provide the bulk of daily subsistence. In neighboring countries, foreign influence since the first European contacts, further associated changes and the introduction of new crop species have induced a loss of cultivated diversity. This paper presents a baseline study of the diversity of root and tuber crops in ten communities throughout Vanuatu. In a context where (...) the smallholders’ agrosystems are increasingly considered as key components for the global conservation of crop genetic resources, this study provides clues to better understand the effective roles of biodiversity in traditional agrosystems. It also provides insights on the rationale behind the constitution of agricultural portfolios and discusses how the cultivated diversity allows communities to cope with changes and pressures. The paper also shows that recently introduced crops neither seem to have compromised agricultural diversity nor drastically changed the agrosystems in Vanuatu. On the contrary, such crops are used by farmers to strengthen the resilience of their agrosystems. A discussion then presents the idea of continuity through change and novelty as a critical factor for resilience. The paper concludes by discussing the role of indigenous agriculture and culture in ensuring food security and in development strategies in a larger context. (shrink)