아렌트는 『정신의 삶』 전부터 헤겔 철학에 관심을 가지지만, 특히 『정신의 삶』에서 헤겔의 역사철학을 ‘탈신체화된 기이한 유령 춤’에 비유하며 비판적 입장을 강하게 표명한다. 아렌트에 의하면, 헤겔의 역사철학을 추동하는 세계정신이나 인류의 진보는 추상적이며 보편적인 개념이며, 이러한 개념은 역사의 무대에서 개인들을 꼭두각시들로 취급하면서 인간의 복수성을 희생하여 상정되는 가설이다. 또한, 헤겔의 역사철학은 ‘유령처럼 아무도 아닌 자’인 ‘단 하나의 세계정신’이라는 가정에 의존하며, 역사는 당위적으로 설정된 목적을 이루기 위해 세계정신이 자기 실현하는 결정론적 과정이다. 이 과정은 세계정신 혼자만의 가장 고독한 작업을 통해 진행되기에, 거기서는 실제 복수의 행위자들 (...) 사이의 상호 소통이 불가능하다. 이러한 아렌트의 헤겔 비판은 헤겔의 역사철학을 매우 근대적이라고 보는 관점뿐만 아니라, 정치적 행위에 대한 아렌트 고유의 문제의식에 기인한다. 전체주의 같은 역사적 현상을 세계사의 목적론적 진행에서 불가피한 것으로 간주할 경우, ‘예루살렘의 아이히만’과 같은 반인륜적 결과를 초래할 수 있다는 문제의식이 아렌트의 ‘반헤겔주의’에는 내재한다. 그러나 아렌트의 헤겔 비판은 핀카드처럼 헤겔의 역사철학을 다르게 해석하는 관점을 고려할 때 그 타당성을 의심할 수 있다. 더 나아가 오히려 헤겔의 상호 인정 개념 등을 통해 아렌트와 헤겔의 입장이 얼마나 서로 친근하며 유사한 문제의식을 공유하는지에 대한 추가 검토의 필요성도 제기될 수 있다. (shrink)

리쾨르는 역사를 실증적 지식이 아니라 해석학적 관점에서 이해하고자 한다. 역사는 절대적으로 부재하는 과거와 그것의 흔적으로 남겨진 유산의 두 측면 사이를 진동하고 있다. 우리는 역사를 과거의 한때 존재했었던 것이라는 점에서 역사의 실재성을 말할 수 있지만, 결코 현재에는 존재하지 않는다는 점에서 부재성을 간과할 수 없다. 이런 역사의 부재성으로 인해 역사적 사실보다 역사적 사건과 그것을 수용하는 주체의 역할이 중요하다. 특히 역사 연구는 단지 사실의 차원에만 머무는 것이 아니라 최종적으로 과거 인간들의 행위와 그 결과에 대한 연구를 기반으로 하고 있다. 그러기에 역사 연구자는 역사적 사실을 (...) 통해 과거의 주체를 만나며, 이런 만남이 결국 연구자의 주관에게도 영향을 미친다. 이런 이유로 리쾨르는 역사 연구가 끊어놓은 기억과 역사의 고리를 다시금 복원하고자 한다. 이미 아리스토텔레스에게서 기억은 언제나 과거가 남겨 놓은 유산에 기반하면서 동시에 부재하는 과거로 향하는 통로가 된다. 이런 점에서 기억은 역사의 존재론적 위상과 유사성을 갖는다. 하지만 역사 혹은 역사 연구는 과거에 대한 객관적 지식을 추구하는 반면, 기억은 주관적이고 단편적인 지식을 추구한다. 기억이 과거에 대한 충실성과 확신에 기반한 반면, 역사 연구는 이런 충실성에 대해 의심하면서 객관성을 확보하고자 한다. 하지만 역사 연구가 주장하는 객관성 혹은 역사적 사실만을 추구할 경우 역사적 사태를 기억하는 주관을 상실할 위험을 갖고 있다. 이런 점에서 리쾨르는 역사 연구에서 주관의 위상을 고려하기 위해서 기억의 역할을 강조한다. 또한 역사 연구가 단순한 사실의 집합이 아니라 부재하는 과거에 대한 시적인 재형상화작업이라는 관점에서 그 의의를 찾는다. 여기서 역사 연구의 시적 형상화와 함께 우리는 역사 연구에 있어 설명의 한계를 살펴보고자 한다. 이처럼 역사 연구는 단지 객관적 설명으로만 해명할 수 없는 근원적 책임의 영역이 있다. 리쾨르는 역사 연구의 해석학적 근거를 따라서 기억의 의미와 역사 연구의 가능성을 확인하고자 한다. 우리는 이런 리쾨르의 사유를 통해 역사 속에서의 기억의 중요성과 실천적 의미를 살펴보고자 한다. (shrink)

This volume is the first comprehensive and in-depth discussion written in English of the Confucian tradition in the context of the intellectual history of Korea. It deals with the historical, social, political, philosophical and spiritual dimensions of Korean Confucianism, arguably the most influential intellectual tradition, ethical and religious practice, and political-ideological system in Korea. This volume analyzes the unique aspects of the Korean development of the Confucian tradition by examining the role of Confucianism as the ruling ideology (...) of the Choson Dynasty. It investigates Confucianism’s social and cultural construction, and intellectual foundation in highlighting the Korean achievement of the Neo-Confucian discussion on "human nature and its principle" in light of the Chinese Neo-Confucian development. The volume also surveys the most influential Korean Confucian scholars discussing their philosophical significance in relation to one of the most fundamental Neo-Confucian discourses, namely the li and qi debates, to elucidate how metaphysical theories shaped the socio-political factions of the Choson Dynasty. Furthermore, issues concerning the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism and other native traditional belief systems are also included in this volume. The volume explores the Confucian confrontation with modernity, encounter with the "Western Learning" including Western science and Catholicism, and the Confucian struggle with modernity in dealing with issues such as democracy, human rights, and gender in modern Korea. Individual contributors of this volume are either well established senior scholars or promising young scholars in the field. (shrink)

A metaphor is an effective way to show how something is to be conceived. In this article, I look at two Neo-Confucian Korean philosophical contexts—the Four-Seven debate and Book of the Imperial Pivot—and suggest that metaphors are philosophically expedient in two further contexts: when both intellect and emotion must be addressed; and when the aim of philosophizing is to produce behavioral change. Because Neo-Confucians had a conception of the mind that closely connected it to the heart (心 xin), metaphor’s (...) empathy-inducing and perspective-giving capacities made it an especially helpful mode of philosophizing in the history of Korean philosophy. (shrink)

본 연구의 목적은 한자경의 연구(『한국철학의 맥』)에서 ‘다산이 우리 사상사의 연속성, 정신의 역사성을 부정했다’는 주장을 반성적으로 검토하는 것이다. 한자경은 성리학을 ‘내재주의’적 관점으로, 다산의 학문을 ‘외재주의’적 관점으로 해석하며, 정약용의 사상은 결국 ‘탈성리학적’이면서 ‘탈유교적’이라고 해석한다. 한자경의 주장에 따르면 다산은 송대 성리학이 공맹의 원시유학과 그 근본정신에서부터 상반되며 질적으로 ‘변질’된 것으로 본다. 이렇듯 한자경은 다산이 ‘주희가 유학의 도통으로 확립한 것이 오히려 유학의 왜곡일 뿐’이며, 주자학을 계승한 조선 유학의 역사도 “자기 왜곡의 역사”인 것이라고 주장하여, 결과적으로 다산은 “우리 사상사의 연속성, 정신의 역사성을 부정”하고 있다고 규정한다. 한자경은 이러한 (...) 다산의 사상관이 마테오 리치(Matteo Ricci, 1552-1610)의 『천주실의』에 대한 영향 때문이라고 주장한다. 그렇지만 다산의 학문이 “우리 사상사의 연속성, 정신의 역사성을 부정”하는 것이며, 이것을 마테오 리치의 『천주실의』에서 배운 것이라는 한자경의 주장은 이 연구서 전체에 흐르는 ‘한국철학의 맥’ 즉 일심이 유독 다산에게서만 단절되었다는 문제가 생긴다. 이에 대해 논자는, 다산에게서 한국철학의 고유성이 없지 않으며, 특히 다산의 편지글에는 역사와 시원에 대한 그의 관심이 많이 나타난다는 점과 그의 독특한 실존적 사상 경향이 나타나고 있음을 드러내었다. 그는 자신의 실존적 삶 속에서 더 깊이 더 멀리 시원을 바라보았으며, 우리나라 문학과 역사, 선현들의 글들을 읽고 지혜를 얻어 또 그것을 후세에 전해주려고 노력했다. 다산은 ‘주자학’과 ‘공맹유학’을 거슬러 올라가, 그것들 보다 더 원천적인 ‘상고시대 중국유학’, 또 그 보다도 더 시원적이면서 동시에 ‘지금 여기’를 강조하는 실존적인 철학적인 사유를 추구하고 있다. (shrink)

이 글은 삼국시대 중요한 정치적 역할을 수행했으나 김부식의『삼국사기』이후 오래도록 역사교과서에서 지워져버린 고구려, 백제 건국시조 소서노의 역사적 복원에 대한 정당성 근거를 위해 『삼국사기』의 역사철학을 비판하고자 한다. 그녀를 지워버린 역사적 이데올로기 혹은 철학을 되짚어봄으로써 그녀의 복원 이유와 정당성을 보다 더 명확히 하고자 하는 것이다. 논자는 우선 김부식의 『삼국사기』중「고구려본기」와「백제본기」를 통해 서술된 소서노와 최근 연구서들의 소서노를 비교하고, 삼국시대 여성의 삶과『삼국사기』가 쓰여졌던 고려 중반이후의 여성의 삶에 대한 규제들을 비교함으로써『삼국사기』에서의 기술이 현실의 소서노를 왜곡하고 있음을 보여줄 것이다. 김부식이『삼국사기』의 역사철학인 음양이론을 통해 남성과 여성을 자연과 우주에 대한 이해와 (...) 동일시하면서 음양이론적 세계와 인간이해 방식을 소서노에게 덧씌워 역사에서 배제함으로써 이러한 서술의 괴리와 왜곡을 가져왔다고 할 수 있기 때문이다. 김부식은 자신의 음양이론적 인간이해가 곧 우주의 질서임을 절대화하고 자연화함으로써 그 기준에 맞지 않았던 소서노의 정치적 역할을 과소평가하거나 제거한 것이다. 이 글은 이렇게 소서노가 정치사에서 지워지게 된 배경을 통해 그녀를 지워버린 음양이론적 이데올로기를 폭로함으로써 김부식의 역사철학을 탈신비화시키고자 한다. (shrink)

This book explores Neo-Confucianism and its relationship to politics by examining the life and work of the two iconic figures of the Joseon dynasty Yi Hwang, (1501-1570, Toegye) and Yi I (1536-1584, Yulgok).

Korean Buddhism is distinctive within the broader field of East Asian Buddhism for the pronounced degree of its syncretic discourse. Korean Buddhist monks throughout history have demonstrated a marked tendency in their essays and commentaries to focus on the solution of disagreements between various sects within Buddhism, or on conflicts between Buddhism and other religions. While a strong ecumenical tendency is noticeable in the writings of dozens of Korean monks, among the most prominent in regard to (...) their exposition of syncretic philosophy are Wŏnhyo 元曉 617-686), Pojo Chinul 普照知訥 1158-1210) and Hamheo Kihwa 涵虚己和 1376-1433). (shrink)

High school history textbook is an important basis for teaching history knowledge to students, and it is also the basis of high school history teaching. The quality of textbooks can directly affect the effect of high school history teaching. In the process of the new curriculum reform, we should attach great importance to the study of curriculum comparison, one of the important works is textbook comparison. This paper focuses on the comparative study of Chinese and (...) class='Hi'>Korean high school history textbooks (compulsory part) in order to effectively promote the construction and optimization of textbooks. This paper firstly compares the curriculum objectives of high school history in China and South Korea, and then takes the contents of Japanese colonial aggression as an example to compare and analyze the contents embodied in the high school history textbooks of the two countries. Through comparison, it is found that the history textbooks of high school in China and South Korea have basically the same curriculum objectives, but there are some differences in specific Settings. There are also some similarities and differences between Chinese and Korean high school history textbooks (compulsory part) about the contents related to Japanese colonial aggression. The common points are mainly reflected in the definition of Japanese aggression war, the reasons for launching it, the description of crimes and the praise of the spirit of resistance against Japan. The difference is that the two textbooks have some differences in the main narrative object, the way of stating historical events and the subjective language used. (shrink)

This essay introduces two Korean women Confucian philosophers: Im Yun- jidang and Gang Jeongildang who lived in the latter period of the Joseon dynasty. Im Yunjidang was the first Confucian woman to explicitly claim women possessed an equal capacity to become sages as men. Gang Jeong- ildang made it clear that she was inspired by and sought to develop the thought of Im and added her own unique insights and new perspectives. Though they and their writings differ in many (...) ways, these two women philosophers created a lineage of female sages, marking a turning point in the history of Confucian philosophy. This paper aims to provide the his- torical background that shaped their thought and to introduce some of their writings in the hope of inspiring readers to study further the lives and philosophies of these two remarkable women and to take up and extend the insights they have left behind. (shrink)

***Translated a Korean-language book to English with Dr. Chang-Seong Hong*** Venerable Hyun-Eung's Enlightenment and History is the first book of Buddhist philosophy of history published in South Korea; possibly the first of its kind in the world. In this book of telling points and clear visions, Hyun-Eung discusses East Asian Buddhist traditions in light of Western-philosophical perspectives and presents his views on the theory and praxis in contemporary Buddhism in a way that Western readers can easily understand. (...) East Asian Buddhist philosophy has had little introduction to English-speaking societies compared with the philosophies of other traditions in Buddhism. This book provides penetrating insight into such major issues of East Asian Mahayana Buddhism as enlightenment, compassion, emptiness, and sudden enlightenment in the Zen traditions. Hyun-Eung s approach is creative, clear, logical, and methodologically modernized. Hyun-Eung s Buddhist philosophy of history is not a mere product of armchair philosophy. He wrote most essays in this book during the 1980 s while South Korea was undergoing serious political turmoil as it tried to overthrow a government backed by military generals. This book presents a philosophy that evolved from his contemplations on the real issues of South Korean society. Defining the ideal form of life as the life of bodhisattva in Mahayana Buddhism, Hyun-Eung summarizes the theme of this book as follows: My book Enlightenment and History is a collection of essays that interpret Buddhist doctrines under a new light. In particular, this book interprets bodhisattva as the combination of bodhi (enlightenment) and sattva (life, history), and defines the life of bodhisattva as enlightenment s becoming history and history s becoming enlightenment. This is the representative of all the new interpretations in this book. Also, I classify the issue of fact judgments on how to understand facts and phenomena as the area of bodhi (enlightenment) and the issue of value judgments on how to live life as the area of sattva (history), and thereby I make their logical differences clear. However, at the same time, I claim that harmonizing these two areas into one area of life is the model of a nice and practical life, which is the bodhisattva that Mahayana Buddhism praises. From Introduction. (shrink)

Yi Hwang (1501–1570)—best known by his literary name, T’oegye—is one of the most eminent thinkers in the history of East Asian philosophy and religion. His Chasŏngnok (Record of self-reflection) is a superb Korean Neo-Confucian text: an eloquent collection of twenty-two scholarly letters and four essays written to his close disciples and junior colleagues. These were carefully selected by T’oegye himself after self-reflecting (chasŏng) on his practice of personal cultivation. The Chasŏngnok continuously guided T’oegye and inspired others on the (...) true Confucian way (including leading Neo-Confucians in Tokugawa Japan) while it criticized Buddhism and Daoism. Its philosophical merit rivals T’oegye’s monumental Sŏnghak sipto (Ten diagrams on sage learning) and “Four-Seven Debate Letters”; however, as a testament of T’oegye’s character, scholarship, and teaching, the Chasŏngnok is of greater interest. The work engages with his holistic knowledge and experience of self-cultivation by articulating textual and historical material on various key doctrines and ideas. It is an inspiring practical guide that reveals the depth of T’oegye’s learning and spirituality. The present volume offers a fully annotated translation of the Chasŏngnok. Following a groundbreaking discussion of T’oegye’s life and ideas according to the Chasŏngnok and his other major writings, it presents the core of his thought in six interrelated sections: “Philosophy of Principle,” “Human Nature and Emotions,” “Against Buddhism and Daoism,” “True Learning,” “Self-Cultivation,” and “Reverence and Spiritual Cultivation.” The bibliography offers a current catalogue of primary sources and modern works in Korean, Chinese, Japanese, and English. As the first comprehensive study of the Chasŏngnok, this book is a welcome addition to current literature on Korean classics and East Asian philosophy and religion. By presenting T’oegye’s thought-provoking contributions, it sheds new light on the vitality of Confucian wisdom, thereby affording scholars and students with an excellent primary source for East Asian studies in general and Confucian studies in particular. (shrink)

This paper reviews the history of Korean Neo-Confucian thought from its introduction in the late fourteenth century until the end of the Joseon dynasty in the early twentieth century. With the founding of Joseon in 1392 the Neo-Confucian synthesis that had swept China was adopted in Korea, replacing the Buddhist establishment of the previous dynasty. The introductory section discusses the major figures in this transition and their grasp of the new metaphysical framework and ascetical theory which now supplemented (...) the traditional Confucian ethical core. The new teaching took deep root in the fifteenth century, but it did so in the context of succession problems leading to a series of “literati purges” of Confucians serving in government. The sixteenth century marked the coming to full intellectual maturity of the Neo-Confucian thought of the Cheng-Zhu school on the Korean peninsula. Toegye and Yulgok, the most famous names in Korean Neo-Confucian thought, represented opposing sides in the celebrated Four Seven Debate concerning the origination of feelings in the mind-and-heart. As the Mongols established the new Qing dynasty in China in the seventeenth century, Korean Neo-Confucians felt they had become the sole heritors and defenders of true civilization, leading to a period of intense and conflicted conservative orthodox orientation towards the Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucian school. In the intense factional struggles of the time the Yulgok followers of a faction led by Song Siyeol rose to dominance, and in the early eighteenth century the second most celebrated controversy, the Horak Debate, broke out within the ranks of this single intellectual lineage. The debate is best known for the question of whether and how humans and all other creatures share the same “original nature,” but it also inquired deeply into the accessibility of the original nature in techniques of meditative self-cultivation. The latter part of the eighteenth century is known for the emergence of a broad, loosely coordinated movement away from philosophical questions towards “practical learning,” or “Silhak” as twentieth century historians have named it. Philosophical inquiry continued to have a lively life well into the nineteenth century, however, with a deepening and radicalization of lines of thought established in the earlier debates, as well as some creative crossing and merging of the boundaries that separated the intellectual lineages of Toegye and Yulgok. (shrink)

1. Tan'gun sinhwa ŭi wŏnhyŏngjŏk segyegwan kwa p'ungnyu chŏngsin -- 2. Wŏnhyo ŭi hwajaeng sasang kwa muaehaeng ŭi silch'ŏn -- 3. Ŭisang ŭi 'Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo' e nat'anan Hwaŏm sasang -- 4. Chinul ŭi Tono chŏmsu wa Chŏnghye ssangsu sasang -- 5. Sambong Chŏng To-jŏn ŭi Pulgyo paech'ŏk ŭi naeyong kwa sŏngkyŏk -- 6. T'oegye Yi Hwang ŭi ch'ŏrhakchŏk ipchang kwa 'Kyŏng' sasang -- 7. Kobong Ki Tae-sŭng ŭi hangmun chŏngsin kwa ch'ŏrhak sasang -- 8. Ugye Sŏng Hon ŭi Tohakchŏk (...) sam kwa hangmun yŏnwŏn -- 9. Yulgok Yi I ŭi Taedong sahoeron kwa ch'ŏrhakchŏk chihyang -- 10. Sŏgye Pak Se-dang ŭi Sirhakchŏk sayu ŭi kich'o -- 11. Namdang Han Wŏn-jin ŭi yŏksa insik kwa Chosŏn chunghwajuŭi -- 12. Sŏngdam Song Hwan-gi ŭi 'T'aegŭk tosŏl' haesŏk ŭi kibon ipchang -- 13. Kanjŏng Yi Nŭng-hwa 'Chosŏn Togyosa' ŭi haksulsachŏk ŭiŭi wa han'gye -- 14. Manhae Han Yong-un i pon chuch'e ŭi munje wa minjok chagyŏl ŭi wŏnch'ik. (shrink)

Che 1-pu. Han'guk ŭi kaebyŏk -- 1. Kŭndae Han'guk konggongsŏng ŭi chŏn'gae wa t'aja waŭi yŏndae -- 2. Kŭndae Han'guk siminjŏk konggongsŏng ŭi sŏngnip -- 3. Taejonggyo pŏmt'unggusŭjuŭi wa pop'yŏnjuŭi -- Che 2-pu. Ilbon ŭi kaebyŏk -- 1. Kŭnse Ilbon sasang ŭi Sŏngin'gwan -- 2. Ilbon sinjonggyo ŭi kaebyŏk undong -- 3. Hyŏndae Ilbon ŭi saengmyŏng yŏngsŏng kwa ch'iyu yŏngsŏng -- Che 3-pu. Sirhak ŭi sigak -- 1. 19-segi sirhakcha ŭi Ilbon insik -- 2. Ch'oe Han-gi ŭi chonggyo hoet'ong sasang (...) -- 3. Han'guk, Ilbon, Chungguk e issŏsŏ 'Sinsirhangnon' pigyo -- Che 4-pu. Pigyo ŭi sigak -- 1. Ilbon esŏŭi T'oegye, Yulgok, Tasan yŏn'gu ŭi hŭrŭm -- 2. Ch'oe Han-gi wa Ilbon ŭi konggong sasangga pigyo yŏn'gu -- 3. Tongsŏyang konggongsŏng yŏn'gu wa Han'gukchŏk konggongsŏn. (shrink)

Korean Women Philosophers and the Ideal of a Female Sage explores the lives of two Korean women Confucian scholars of the late Joseon Dynasty, Im Yunjidang (1721–1793) and Gang Jeongildang (1772–18...

In the history of Chinese philosophy, Mozi calls music a “waste of resources,” considering it an aristocratic extravagance that does not benefit the everyday people. In its defense, Confucians highlight music’s moral and metaphysical qualities, arguing that music aids in moral cultivation and that music’s form mimics the structure of reality. The aim of this paper is to show that Korean philosophers provide yet another reason to think music is important. Music, and art in general, was used to (...) express a national identity at a time Korean philosophers were beginning to develop their own aesthetic consciousness in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. A cultural movement called Joseonpoong (조선풍), “Joseon wind”, marked a shift away from Sinocentrism and towards Korea’s own unique value and practices. The new attempt to justify art’s value apart from its relationship to morality or metaphysics set Joseon thinkers apart from their Chinese predecessors. Using art for identity expression allowed the Koreans to reconceive art’s value while Sinocentric cosmological and cultural views were being challenged with the introduction of western knowledge. Art also became a tool for reversing hermeneutic injustice as new artistic practices and standards allowed the Koreans to meaningfully engage with previously neglected aspects of their lived lives. (shrink)