In this paper we steer a course between two views of the value of equality that are usually understood as diametrically opposed to one another: on the one hand, the view that equality has intrinsic value; on the other, the view that equality is a normatively redundant notion. We proceed by analysing the different ways in which the equal possession of certain relevant properties justifies distributive equality. We then present an account of ‘basic equality’ that serves to single out where (...) this equal possession is really doing normative work. Our account departs from some common assumptions about basic equality but is nevertheless plausible in as much as it assigns to that concept a precise and normatively significant role in grounding the non-instrumental value of distributive equality. By showing when, exactly, equality is basic, we are able to explain both what is right and what is wrong in each of the two opposed views of the value of equality. The argument proceeds at a fairly high level of abstraction and is therefore applicable to a number of rival egalitarian theories. (shrink)

El artículo explora la posible relación analítica entre la idea de ser un miembro de una comunidad democrática y tener derechos civiles, políticos y de bienestar. Llamo a esta relación la tesis analítica. Después de distinguir una interpretación trivial y una no-trivial de dicha tesis, ofrezco algunas razones a favor de esta última.

El objetivo del artículo es analizar y criticar los argumentos elaborados por Carlos S. Nino para justificar una cierta interpretación del concepto de persona moral. Esta interpretación ofrece una estrategia de fundamentación de los derechos morales básicos distinta a la contenida en lo que en el artículo llamo "la estrategia tradicional". El cambio radical de estrategia que Nino propone implica una cierta concepción del igual estatus moral de los seres humanos. Por las razones dadas en el artículo, creo que este (...) cambio de estrategia no es exitoso. The objective of the article is to analyze and criticize the arguments elaborated by Carlos S. Nino to justify a certain interpretation of the concept of moral person. This interpretation offers a foundation of basic moral rights that is different from the one contained in what in the article I call "the traditional strategy". The radical change of strategy that Nino proposes implies a certain conception of the equal status of human beings. For the reasons given in the article, I think that this change of strategy is unsuccessful. (shrink)

Resumen Al menos desde la publicación del clásico Ética en el Congreso. De la corrupción individual a la institucional de Dennis F. Thompson, el concepto de corrupción institucional ha recibido gran atención. Este tipo de corrupción se diferencia de la corrupción personal en que, entre otras cosas, la última requiere de la existencia de motivos morales personales. En este artículo exploro esta distinción y hago algunas observaciones críticas a la manera en la que Thompson la ha recientemente elaborado.At least from (...) the publication of Dennis F. Thompson’s classic Ethics in Congress. From Individual to Institutional Corruption the concept of institutional corruption has received great attention. This type of corruption is different from personal corruption in that, among other things, the latter requires the existence of personal moral motives. In this article I explore this distinction and raise some critical observations to the way in which Thompson has recently elaborated it. (shrink)

Creo que la defensa de John Locke del derecho a castigar está en tensión con su defensa de la igualdad humana. El propósito central de este artículo es mostrar que esta tensión podría ser resuelta si la justificación del derecho a castigar de Locke se basa en el concepto de confianza. Este concepto es claramente usado por Locke para justificar el derecho de resistencia. Pienso que también es posible usarlo para justificar la existencia del derecho a castigar. Pero, incluso si (...) esta justificación fuera exitosa, algunos problemas permanecen. I believe that John Locke's defense of the right to punish is in tension with his defense of human equality. The main purpose of this article is to show that this tension could be resolved if Locke's justification of the right to punish is based on the concept of trust. This concept is clarley employed by Locke to justify the right of resistance. I think that it is possible to use it also to justify the existence of the right to punish. But, even if this justification were succesful, some problems remain. (shrink)

Creo que la defensa de John Locke del derecho a castigar está en tensión con su defensa de la igualdad humana. El propósito central de este artículo es mostrar que esta tensión podría ser resuelta si la justificación del derecho a castigar de Locke se basa en el concepto de confianza. Este concepto es claramente usado por Locke para justificar el derecho de resistencia. Pienso que también es posible usarlo para justificar la existencia del derecho a castigar. Pero, incluso si (...) esta justificación fuera exitosa, algunos problemas permanecen. I believe that John Locke's defense of the right to punish is in tension with his defense of human equality. The main purpose of this article is to show that this tension could be resolved if Locke's justification of the right to punish is based on the concept of trust. This concept is clarley employed by Locke to justify the right of resistance. I think that it is possible to use it also to justify the existence of the right to punish. But, even if this justification were succesful, some problems remain. (shrink)

La filosofía política de Philip Pettit es uno de los mayores intentos contemporáneos por elaborar una completa teoría republicana acerca del buen gobierno. En la base de este republicanismo se encuentran dos supuestos, a los que, por lo demás, ha adherido, de distintas maneras, la tradición republic..

The Philip Pettit’s political philosophy is one of the most important contemporary efforts to elaborate a complete republican theory about the good government. At the base of this republicanism there are two assumptions to which republican tradition, in general, has adhered in different ways: first, human beings are capable of generating civility or civic virtue, and second, that human beings are intrinsically corruptible, meaning that, under certain conditions, they will exercise power arbitrarily. The article attempts to show that these statements (...) are incompatible, and that, therefore, at the level of the fundamental assumptions, this republican theory of government must be rethought. (shrink)