This case study examines differences between how the animal-behavior-research fields of ethology and sociobiology account for female ornamental traits. I address three questions: 1) Why were female traits noted in early animal-behavior writings but not systematically studied like male traits? 2) Why did ethology attend to female signals before sexual-selection studies did? 3) And why didn't sexual-selection researchers cite the earlier ethological literature when they began studying female traits? To answer these questions, I turn to feminist and other science-studies scholars (...) and philosophers of science. My main framework is provided by Bruno Latour, whose model I position within relevant feminist critique . This approach provides an interactive account of how scientific knowledge develops. I argue that this embedded approach provides a more compelling reading of the relationship between gender and science than does focusing on androcentric biases. My overall aim is to counter arguments by some feminist biologists that feminist tools should emphasize the correction and removal of biases, and to address their fears that more rigorous critiques would lead to relativism or otherwise remove science as a tool for feminist use. (shrink)

What does feminism have to do with nanotechnology? And how do mad scientists demonstrate the connections between the two? To explore this, I examine a case study of mad scientists in film, discussing first why mad scientist images arise and why nanotechnology, or the manipulation of matter on the atomic and molecular scales, may be particularly vulnerable to this kind of representation. National funding agencies are calling for the integration of ethics and societal implications into nanoscience and technology research and (...) the training of future scientists and engineers. This emphasis offers a powerful way to break down stereotypes about science and engineering that discourage the participation of some groups. (shrink)

This book primarily tries to bring out the analogy between the conceptual and methodological discourses on the theme of the other. The term 'Other' here refers to the oppressed sections of the society. It may be dalits, women, indigenous or ethnic communities. Since we are living in a multicultural and multilingual society, we should share our views with others on a platform where issues of the marginalized people are addressed by different scholars following different methods and techniques. Though there are (...) various policies and plans for the welfare of the downtrodden, hardly any change can be seen at the micro-level structure of the society. There are studies which highlighted the problems and ethos of the downtrodden sections, but a majority of those studies neglected the marginalized groups. Hence, we felt the need to highlight the issues and concerns of these groups in a wider context and started thinking on the theme 'Ethnographic Discourse of the Other: Conceptual and Methodological Issues'. This volume attempts to discuss and theorize the pragmatic concepts and issues related to the marginalized groups in contemporary societies in South Asia. This book is interdisciplinary in nature and will be useful to scholars and students of Anthropology, Sociology, Linguistics, Social Work, Culture Studies, Gender Studies and Philosophy. It is widely applicable to all sections of the oppressed socially, economically, culturally, academically, politically and other wise. (shrink)

Collected work on religious philosophy and social conditions of Thailand; volume commemorating the retirement of Professor Dr. Suwanna Sathaanan from the Department of Philosophy, Chulalongkorn University.

Bu çalışmanın temel amacı Suudi Arabistan’ın İhvan politikasını tarihsel süreç içerisinde incelemektir. Çalışmada Riyad yönetiminin geçmişten günümüze İhvan politikası bölgesel güç mücadelesi ve rejim güvenliği olmak üzere iki temel değişken üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Bu iki dinamiğe bağlı olarak Suudi yönetimi İhvan’ı bölgesel güç mücadelesi bağlamında dış tehditleri dengelemek için bir denge unsuru olarak görürken aynı zamanda rejim güvenliği değişkeni bağlamında ulusal güvenlik tehdidi olarak algılamıştır.

Lectio praecursoria 28.9.2018: Hengitys on hyvin harvinainen teema filosofiassa. Aiemmin hengitystä filosofisena kysymyksenä ovat tarkastelleet mm. Luce Irigaray ja David Kleinberg-Levin. Väitöskirjatutkimuksessani Phenomenological Ontology of Breathing tutkin fenomenologisesti hengityksen filosofiaa, so. miten hengittäminen voisi olla filosofinen kysymys ja miten eletty kokemus hengityksestä voisi mahdollisesti avata ja jäsentää meille aivan uuden tavan tehdä filosofiaa. Väitöskirjani lähtökohtana on aiemmin tutkimattomat Maurice Merleau-Pontyn fenomenologiset huomiot hengityksestä. Näiden Merleau-Pontyn hengitystä koskevien huomioiden pohjalta pyrin jäsentämään uuden fenomenologisen käsityksen hengityksestä. Tämä uusi fenomenologinen käsitys hengityksestä ei (...) perustu fysiologis-luonnontieteelliseen näkemykseen hengityksestä kaasujen vaihteluna ja soluhengityksenä, vaan kokemukselliseen ymmärrykseen hengityksestä kehollisena maailmasuhteena. Hengittävä maailmasuhde on hengittävän kehon ja avoimen ja näkymättömän ilmapiirin, so. ilman atmosfäärin, välistä vuorovaikutusta. Tähän uuteen kokemukselliseen hengitys-käsitykseen perustuen pohdin, miten filosofia voitaisiin mahdollisesti aloittaa uudelleen hengityksen filosofia. Tämä uusi filosofia ei olisi olio- tai persoonaorientoitunut, vaan ilmapiiriorientoitunut filosofia. Merleau-Pontyn fenomenologisen filosofian lisäksi erityisesti Gaston Bachelardin elementaalinen ajattelu ilmasta ja ilman runoilijoista on avittanut väitöskirjatutkimustani tähän uuteen filosofiseen orientaatioon. Bachelardin tarkastelemat ilman runoilijat runoudessaan inspiroituneesti seuraavat ja kuuntelevat kosmista hengitystä pyrkien ilmaisemaan sanoin sen hiljaista viisautta. Väitöskirjassani pyrin kuuntelemaan fenomenologisen filosofian kontekstissa ilman runoilijoiden inspiroimana tätä kosmis-elementaalisen hengittävän ilman hiljaista viisautta. Pyrkimykseni synnyttää tämä uusi hengityksen filosofia kulkee käsi kädessä Irigarayn toiveen kanssa uudesta hengityksen kulttuurin kultivoimisesta. (shrink)

Budaya massa, dalam pengertian sederhana adalah “karya kreatif yang dimassalkan, yang diproduksi secara masif, yang ditunjang teknologi dan industri tinggi [...] termasuk model pakaian, fashion, film, televisi, musik pop, lifestyle atau gaya hidup” (hlm. xiii-xiv). Agama, atau lebih tepatnya “tafsir atas agama, atau tafsir atas ajaran agama” (hlm. xiv) dapat menjadi tema karya kreatif itu. Contohnya, terutama, sinetron-sinetron religi bernuansa Islami yang sekarang ini semakin banyak tampil pada layar televisi, tanpa menunggu bulan istimewa Ramadhan. Selain itu, agama juga dapat menjadi (...) sensor untuk menentukan karya kreatif yang pantas dimassalkan lewat media elektronik maupun media cetak. sense yang digunakan oleh para penyensor adalah moral dan ajaran agama, yang dalam keyakinan mereka harus dijaga. Para penyensor ini bukan hanya lembaga sensor, melainkan juga kelompok- kelompok yang menyebut diri pembela agama tertentu. Lembaga sensor menyampaikan larangan; kelompok-kelompok ini menyerukan protes. Mengemban misi menjaga moral dan ajaran agama, para penyensor dan pemrotes lebih sering mengajukan argumen sensor yang tidak masuk akal (doesn’t make sense) alias “ajaib” (hlm. 163) dan konyol. Lebih ajaib dan konyol, mereka, yang mengaku menjunjung agama dan moral, tidak punya sense mengenai ketidakadilan, khususnya yang dialami wanita. Produk budaya massa yang menciptakan image negatif wanita dibiarkan menjejali benak masyarakat. Wanita harus dikendalikan sebab ia binal, nakal—dengan cara diambil hak atas tubuhnya, dibung- kam suaranya, dipermalukan di hadapan publik, dan kalau perlu dira- jam oleh massa, yang adalah laki-laki dan (sama-sama) wanita. Ketidakadilan terhadap wanita, yang dipublikasikan oleh budaya massa dan ajaran agama menjadi sorotan utama Veven Sp. Wardhana di dalam buku ini. Dipublikasikan di sini berarti ditampilkan di ruang publik supaya diterima sebagai sesuatu yang wajar dan sewajarnya oleh masyarakat. Perempuan: seksualitas, sunat, syahwat; Puanografi: Yang Bukan Perempuan (Tak) Ambil Bagian; Televisi dan Fashionista atawa Perempuan Nista; Perempuan di Layar Televisi: Dari Losmen sampai sinema Relijius; dan Catatan sipil, Media Hiburan, dan Fatwa Haram adalah lima judul yang paling sarat dengan gugatan Wardhana atas perlakuan tidak adil terhadap wanita di negeri ini.................. Pembaca perlu mengingat bahwa buku ini merupakan kumpulan delapan belas tulisan Wardhana dari berbagai waktu dan ruang publi- kasi. Oleh sebab itu, ada beberapa pembahasan dan contoh kasus yang muncul berulang-ulang, antara lain, mengenai sensor film Yang Muda Yang Bercinta (1977) karya Sjuman Djaya dan isu perkawinan Bambang- Halimah. Dengan demikian, kedelapan belas judul pada buku tidak merepresentasikan sebuah rangkaian pemikiran yang sistematik. Na- mun, hal ini tidak mengurangi nilai karya Wardhana, tidak pula menum- pulkan kritiknya terhadap keempat penguasa ruang publik: budaya massa, agama, kapitalisme, dan politik. Akhirnya, menyajikan karyanya kepada masyarakat, Wardhana mengajak setiap warga negara ini untuk bersikap kritis terhadap karya- karya kreatif yang dipublikasikan lewat media cetak dan media elek- tronik. Masyarakat tidak perlu menunggu pemerintah dan para kreator budaya massa mengubah haluan dari pembodohan ke pencerdasan. Masyarakat sendiri harus mampu menghentikan proses pembodohan dengan menyeleksi bacaan dan tontonan yang mereka sajikan, dan me- milih hanya yang mencerdaskan dirinya. (Yap Fu Lan, Program studi Ilmu Pendidikan Teologi, FKIP, Universitas Katolik Atma Jaya, Jakarta). (shrink)

One of the ṣaḥābīs of Prophet Muḥammad is ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd from the Ṭāʾif tribe of Thaqīf. He belongs to the Ahlâf part of the Thaqīf tribe and he is the ruler of this part. ʿUrwa’s ancestry is known without any controversy until Kasî (Thaqīf). According to a narrative his epithet was Abū Yaʿfur and another of his epithet was Abū Masʿūd. Father of ʿUrwa an important person too. He is one of the leaders of his tribe and he commanded (...) his part (Aḥlāf) in wars of Fijār. Mother of ʿUrwa is Subay’a bt. ʿAbd Shams from Banū Umayya. In this way ʿUrwa has kinship both with Banū Umayya and Prophet Muḥammad. So ʿUrwa has a very important position because of his lineage, his mother and father. Thefore, his connections with Mecca and Quraysh strengthens his position. In our sources there is no information about his dates of birth and death. It is likely to be over middle age when he became a muslim, considering that he was the leader of his tribe and his son become a muslim after he died. There is too little information about weddings of ʿUrwa. According to narratives, he had ten wives before becoming Muslim. After becoming a Muslim Prophet Muḥammad warned from him to prefer four out of ten wives. One of his four wives is the daughter of Abū Sufyān. Howev-er, there is no information about the names of his wives. Names of his sons: ʿĀṣim, Abū Murra, Abū Mulayḥ, Dāwūd, Hammām and Hishām and names of his daughters: Umm Saʿīd (married with Ḥaẓrat ʿAlī) and Ḥalīma. We could see he served as embassy before the treaty of Hudaybiyah. His embassy duty shows us the superiority of his position. Also, this embassy duty was very effective at peace negotiations. He mentioned kinship relations which connects about Mecca. He said that it could be beneficial to talk to Prophet Muḥammad himself. The Meccans mentioned about their trust in ʿUrwa. During the time of his embassy, he expressed that both sides should be away from war. In this context, he told the Meccans: The people around Prophet Muḥammad are very loyal to him and he told to Prophet Muḥammad: People around him could disintegrate easily. This mission shows us he is intelligent, respectable and had high persuasion skills. ʿUrwa, observed loyalty of ṣaḥābīs to Prophet Muḥammad. He confessed this loyalty can not be for any ruler. This observa-tion probably affected ʿUrwa’s conversion to Islam. Because of the conquest of Meccah and the events that followed, the people of Ṭāʾif were very worried. Because of this reason people of Ṭāʾif took part in the side of Hawāzin’s and they bat-tled with Muslims. In this time they sent ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd and Ghaylān b. Salama to the city of D̲j̲aras̲h̲ of Yemen, to learn about some war machines and techniques. Therefore they did not join wars of Hunayn and Ṭāʾif. Prophet Muḥammad ended the siege of Ṭāʾif and went to Medina. Meanwhile, ʿUrwa and his friend returned from Yemen. According to narratives when the Prophet Muḥammad returned Medina or he was way in Medina ʿUrwa visited him and became Muslim. Some people tell about the date of ʿUrwa’s being Muslim at before or after Abū Bakr’s emirate of Hadj. However, when the narrations are examined, it can be said he became Muslim after four or five months from Prophet’s siege of Ṭāʾif and before three or four months from Tabūk expedition of Rabīʿ al-awwal or “Rabīʿ al-ākhir” (July or August) in the year 9/630. As for the conversion of ʿUrwa, basic sources report that “Allah, inspired Islam to the heart of ʿUrwa and he changed his situation. He went to the Messenger of Allah and he became Muslim.” They do not give a specific reason. But after this period the narratives tell the reason for ʿUrwa’s becoming a Muslim as due to an experience he had while travelling to Najrān for trade. In this travel, two mysterious young girls and the priest in Najrān said the last prophet came and ʿUrwa must be subject to him and ʿUrwa became Muslim after he returned. But this narrative is prob-lematic with regard to evidence and text. After being Muslim, ʿUrwa wanted permission from the Prophet to invite his tribe to accept Islam. The prophet did not want to accept this at first. Because the people of Ṭāʾif had an arro-gant stance against Islam, and he said that the people of Thaqīf could kill ʿUrwa. Eventually ʿUrwa went to his hometown with permission of Prophet and invited people to Islam and they did not accept this invitation and cursed ʿUrwa. The next morning ʿUrwa read adhan of fajr and people of Ṭāʾif killed him. ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd was likened to Prophet Jesus by the Prophet Muḥammad. It is generally accept-ed that ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd el-Thaqafī is “one of the biggest from two cities” expressed in sūra Zukhruf. Only two weak narrations were reported of Urwa who could live as a Muslim for a few days and was matyred by his tribe. (shrink)

In this article, I study the concept of brahman—the exhaustive formulation of truth about the world—in the early Upaniṣads. Based on close reading of two stories appearing in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka, the Kauṣītaki and the Chāndogya Upaniṣads, I reconstruct two competing theories about brahman, namely the “theory of puruṣa ” and the “theory of ātman.” While the theory of puruṣa refers to the creation of human and divine beings as a result of duplication of the anthropomorphic form of the universe, the (...) theory of ātman traces the phenomenal reality in its various forms to the inner, formless self “made of consciousness” capable of creating and projecting forms out of itself. These two theories are discussed in the dialogue between Gārgya Bālāki and Ajātaśatru, the king of Kāśi appearing in two versions in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka and the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣads. Bālāki’s theory of puruṣa is further revised and modified in the light of Ajātaśatru’s criticism in the story from the Chāndogya Upaniṣads, in which the god Prajāpati teaches Indra and Virocana about the self. (shrink)

This sixth volume of Collected Papers includes 74 papers comprising 974 pages on (theoretic and applied) neutrosophics, written between 2015-2021 by the author alone or in collaboration with the following 121 co-authors from 19 countries: Mohamed Abdel-Basset, Abdel Nasser H. Zaied, Abduallah Gamal, Amir Abdullah, Firoz Ahmad, Nadeem Ahmad, Ahmad Yusuf Adhami, Ahmed Aboelfetouh, Ahmed Mostafa Khalil, Shariful Alam, W. Alharbi, Ali Hassan, Mumtaz Ali, Amira S. Ashour, Asmaa Atef, Assia Bakali, Ayoub Bahnasse, A. A. Azzam, Willem K.M. Brauers, Bui (...) Cong Cuong, Fausto Cavallaro, Ahmet Çevik, Robby I. Chandra, Kalaivani Chandran, Victor Chang, Chang Su Kim, Jyotir Moy Chatterjee, Victor Christianto, Chunxin Bo, Mihaela Colhon, Shyamal Dalapati, Arindam Dey, Dunqian Cao, Fahad Alsharari, Faruk Karaaslan, Aleksandra Fedajev, Daniela Gîfu, Hina Gulzar, Haitham A. El-Ghareeb, Masooma Raza Hashmi, Hewayda El-Ghawalby, Hoang Viet Long, Le Hoang Son, F. Nirmala Irudayam, Branislav Ivanov, S. Jafari, Jeong Gon Lee, Milena Jevtić, Sudan Jha, Junhui Kim, Ilanthenral Kandasamy, W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy, Darjan Karabašević, Songül Karabatak, Abdullah Kargın, M. Karthika, Ieva Meidute-Kavaliauskiene, Madad Khan, Majid Khan, Manju Khari, Kifayat Ullah, K. Kishore, Kul Hur, Santanu Kumar Patro, Prem Kumar Singh, Raghvendra Kumar, Tapan Kumar Roy, Malayalan Lathamaheswari, Luu Quoc Dat, T. Madhumathi, Tahir Mahmood, Mladjan Maksimovic, Gunasekaran Manogaran, Nivetha Martin, M. Kasi Mayan, Mai Mohamed, Mohamed Talea, Muhammad Akram, Muhammad Gulistan, Raja Muhammad Hashim, Muhammad Riaz, Muhammad Saeed, Rana Muhammad Zulqarnain, Nada A. Nabeeh, Deivanayagampillai Nagarajan, Xenia Negrea, Nguyen Xuan Thao, Jagan M. Obbineni, Angelo de Oliveira, M. Parimala, Gabrijela Popovic, Ishaani Priyadarshini, Yaser Saber, Mehmet Șahin, Said Broumi, A. A. Salama, M. Saleh, Ganeshsree Selvachandran, Dönüș Șengür, Shio Gai Quek, Songtao Shao, Dragiša Stanujkić, Surapati Pramanik, Swathi Sundari Sundaramoorthy, Mirela Teodorescu, Selçuk Topal, Muhammed Turhan, Alptekin Ulutaș, Luige Vlădăreanu, Victor Vlădăreanu, Ştefan Vlăduţescu, Dan Valeriu Voinea, Volkan Duran, Navneet Yadav, Yanhui Guo, Naveed Yaqoob, Yongquan Zhou, Young Bae Jun, Xiaohong Zhang, Xiao Long Xin, Edmundas Kazimieras Zavadskas. (shrink)