Confucius and Zhuangzi are the two most famous thinkers in all of Chinese history, aside from Laozi, the Old Master. They occupy positions in the history of Chinese thinking roughly comparable to those held by Plato and Epicurus in the Western narrative of civilisation, in that they offer visions of the engaged political life and the engaged social self to which later political theorists and ethicists invariably return. For the last century or so, if not longer, Sinologists and comparative philosophers (...) have been apt to name Confucius the ‘founder’ of a Confucian ‘school’, and Zhuangzi, one of two ‘founders’ of a rival Daoist ‘school’, despite the lack of evidence for sectarian factions in early China. What is at stake in this essay is nothing less than a recasting of the entire early history of Chinese thinking in ways both bracing and potentially troubling to modern academics. (shrink)

Despite the scathing criticisms leveled at Han philosophy by orthodox Neo-Confucians and their latter-day scholastic followers, the most accurate characterization of many extant pieces of Han philosophical writing would be "critical" (rather than "superstitious") and "probing" (rather than "derivative"). In defense of this statement, three major Han philosophical works are examined, with particular emphasis on the treatment in these works of classical tradition and classical learning. The three works are the "Fa yen" (ca. A.D. 9) by Yang Hsiung, the "Lun (...) heng" (ca. A.D. 80) by Wang Ch'ung, and the "Feng su t'ung yi" (ca. A.D. 200) by Ying Shao. All three works are profoundly critical of beliefs and practices endemic to mainstream state-sponsored Confucianism in the Han. Good reasons lead Yang Hsiung, Wang Ch'ung, and Ying Shao to employ the dialogue, rather than the expository essay. Also, the particular styles of dialogue chosen by Yang, Wang, and Ying directly relate to the specific content of their varying critiques of contemporary forms of Confucian theorizing and practice. (shrink)

This book takes up one of the most important themes in Chinese thought: the relation of pleasurable activities to bodily health and to the health of the body politic. Unlike Western theories of pleasure, early Chinese writings contrast pleasure not with pain but with insecurity, assuming that it is right and proper to seek and take pleasure, as well as experience short-term delight. Equally important is the belief that certain long-term relational pleasures are more easily sustained, as well as potentially (...) more satisfying and less damaging. The pleasures that become deeper and more ingrained as the person invests time and effort to their cultivation include friendship and music, sharing with others, developing integrity and greater clarity, reading and classical learning, and going home. Each of these activities is explored through the early sources (mainly fourth century BC to the eleventh century AD), with new translations of both well-known and seldom-cited texts. (shrink)

This essay argues that the Guodian citations relating to the Documents classic, when read together with other evidence regarding early manuscript cultures in China, contradict the dominant scholarly view in the present-day People’s Republic of China, which imagines not only a single Urtext for the pre-Qin Documents classic, but also a single textual community familiar with the same masterworks and Classics across the entire swathe of land held by the modern nation-state of China. Contrary to this view, the early transmission (...) of manuscripts, both oral and transcribed, generated multiple variants that allowed small textual communities to adapt their authoritative texts to local concerns and agendas and current affairs. (shrink)

A new translation of Liu Xiang’s 劉向 Lienü zhuan 列女傳 is long overdue.1 And most of the translation by Anne Behnke Kinney, Exemplary Women of Early China: The Lienü Zhuan of Liu Xiang, is very well done indeed. At the same time, Kinney has made a series of odd and clearly intentional choices when translating the classic, choices worth querying. Most importantly, she insists on translating the classic as if it directly addressed its readers, even if this insistence rides roughshod (...) over the language used in the text, and flies in the face of the early evidence about both the composition of the text and the literary outputs of the woman, Ban Zhao 班昭.. (shrink)

We have been invited to contribute a short assessment of Levine's response to Siderits’ position in the emerging debate between "fusion philosophy" and "comparative philosophy." Perhaps a brief word is in order regarding our backgrounds: Michael Nylan is a student of early China, with strong inter-disciplinary training and interests, who has attempted work in both philosophy and translation. Martin Verhoeven is a historian by training, a translator by avocation, and a Buddhist practitioner. Both of us have committed ourselves for decades (...) to past traditions that can only be accessed through classical Chinese language, and that surely colors our views. At the same time, those views are not identical, but stereophonic. (shrink)

This paper explores two types of investment in the current People’s Republic of China, both of which promote fantasies about the past and future, presumably as a way to forestall uncomfortable conversations about the present. But the author is less interested in state decisions than in what makes an unofficial person “buy into” such fantasies. Her answer is, “misperceptions about tradition”, longstanding cultural preoccupations, and genuine desires to secure honor and glory in an insecure world. Her largely diagnostic paper briefly (...) considers possible responses to the question, “What, in such a dire situation, can be done to introduce more complex notions of sedimented identities?”. (shrink)

This essay takes as it subject Lunyu jindu 論語今讀, Li Zehou’s “translation” from classical into modern Chinese of one of the Four Books, a classic that long-standing tradition claims was generated within the immediate circles of Master Confucius himself. Rather than blandly touting the inherent superiority of whichever brands of Chinese or Confucian “tradition” currently meet the approval of leading PRC figures in establishment politics, academia, and the media—old Daotong 道統 truisms retrofitted for nationalistic purposes 1—Li wants to deconstruct “tradition”. (...) He wants to return our attention to aspects of... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Remembering Herb FingaretteMichael Nylan (bio)Over the years, several people have remarked to me that Herb "disappeared" or "disengaged" after his retirement. His standing, at the time of his retirement, was beautifully captured in the 1999 volume Rules, Rituals, and Responsibility: Essays Dedicated to Herbert Fingarette, edited by his student Mary Bockover.But remembering Herb Fingarette, I recall the first two times I spoke with him, by email and eventually in (...) person. I wrote, while preparing the Norton Critical Edition of the Analects, the brief sketch I had devised, mainly on the basis of Confucius: The Secular as Sacred, in which I described him as a New Confucian and a pragmatist. He promptly wrote back to deny both philosophical affiliations. (Hans Sluga's remarks below suggest that Herb did not see himself as a joiner or partisan.) But I got the rest right, apparently, as my sketch of him circled around the opening to his book, a work that changed many people's lives, including those of two friends of mine, Henry Rosemont and Roger Ames:When I began to read Confucius, I found him to be a prosaic and parochial moralizer. … Later, and with increasing force, I found him a thinker with profound insight and with an imaginative vision of man equal in its grandeur to any I know. … Confucius can be a teacher to us today—a major teacher, not one who merely gives us a slightly exotic perspective on the ideas already current. He tells us things not being said elsewhere; things needing to be said. He has a new lesson to teach.1Herb's contribution in that book lay mainly in his willingness to rethink Confucius from the ground up, "to make him new." To the day before he died, that was Herb, still evolving and reformulating his thoughts. One glimpses this in "Being Ninety-Seven," the documentary about Herb that his grandson Andrew Hasse directed and edited, one short clip of which has drawn no fewer than five million views on YouTube, under the title "The Meaning of Life: A Ninety-Seven Year Old Philosopher Looks at Life."I finally met Herb on a fine spring day in 2010, some three years after he had moved to Berkeley, when Henry Rosemont, Jr. happened to be in town. Henry insisted I meet Herb, and he was plainly immensely proud of being the first to write a good review of Herb's work, which so many [End Page 857] Click for larger view View full resolutionHerbert Fingarette, 1921–2018. Photo © Thomas H. Hahn.eminent Sinologists had panned (Herb being outside the field; Herb saying something that might force a change in their ways of thinking; Herb being so clear about his ideas that there was no academic obfuscation). Herb had always been one of the few gods in my academic pantheon, and I was frankly a bit scared to meet him and sound stupid. But Henry had a genius for bringing people together, and by the end of the first meeting Herb and I were well on our way to becoming fast friends. (It didn't hurt that Herb's only child, Ann Hasse, was about to marry one of the Berkeley colleagues whom I most esteem, Erich Gruen.)A few years later, after his wife Leslie died, I asked him, after a decent interval, whether writing so powerfully about the philosophy of dying had helped him when he was confronting it in the case of Leslie, his beloved wife and astute editor. He said quietly, "Not one bit," and from then on I knew I could absolutely trust him. For such a complex man, he was also a person who embraced radical honesty and full engagement, which meant that Herb, nearly always exquisitely polite, could on rare occasions burst forth with a snarky comment, when particularly frustrated with the world or its inhabitants. He was a human being keenly aware of the responsibility that survival brought, despite the frailties encountered when going through life. One felt always that one was conversing with a lifelong seeker after truths large and small, with the result that many a time he was impatient with my tendency... (shrink)

This essay provides an overview of the prescriptions advanced by the Han-era Documents classic, since it was indisputably the Documents that served as the chief guide to political philosophy in the early empires for members of the elite with the requisite high cultural learning. It presents the authoritative pronouncements of the Documents on a number of key issues, such as, Who has the legitimacy to rule? How shall the good ruler and his officials act to retain legitimacy? What is the (...) best form of government? How are punishments to be applied? How are taxes and tribute, domestic and foreign policy, to be administered? It prescribes actions to further the virtues of foresightedness, compassion, and fairness. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Transformations of the Confucian Way, and: Histoire de la pensáe chinoiseMichael NylanTransformations of the Confucian Way. By John H. Berthrong. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1998. Pp. xiv + 250.Histoire de la pensáe chinoise. By Anne Cheng. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1997. Pp. 650.Reviewing bad books, W. H. Auden once observed, is bad for the character. On the assumption that the reverse must also be true, I am delighted (...) to review not one, but two good books: John H. Berthrong's Transformations of the Confucian Way and Anne Cheng's Histoire de la pensáe chinoise. Each contributes significantly—though differently—to our appreciation of the long history of classical learning in China. [End Page 632]Berthrong, in seven chapters and 250 pages, neatly summarizes the main developments of what he calls the "Confucian Way." As a teaching tool for undergraduates and nonspecialists, the book's strong appeal is based on three factors: (1) the coherence of its narrative (no mean feat for a book covering over 2,500 years of the Way); (2) the respectful approach that it brings to intellectual traditions and the controversies they have engendered over time; and (3) the case that it urges for the relevance of the Confucian Way today to life outside the classroom and outside China. To achieve such coherence, Berthrong divides his story into seven manageable units spanned by "six paradigmatic historical transformations of the Confucian Tradition" (p. 6): (1) the rise of the Confucian tradition in Zhou China; (2) the canonization of the Confucian Classics in Han times; (3) "the defense of the [Confucian] faith" during the third through the tenth centuries; (4) the Neo-Confucian Revival in the Song; (5) reactions to Song Neo-Confucianism in "the turn toward the mind," epitomized by Wang Yangming (1472-1529); (6) the late empires of Qing China, Tokugawa Japan, and Yi/Chosŏn Korea; and (7) Confucianism in the modern world.Berthrong has chosen a sensible approach to his sprawling history, whose scope would leave most scholars cowering. He judiciously draws upon the best scholarship available on each of the transformations (giving full credit where it is due), with the result that even beginning students can quickly gain a sense not only of the important debates in the long history of classical learning but also of prominent scholars working in the field today. As a master of the declarative sentence, Berthrong has no trouble writing the bridging paragraphs required to situate his thinkers neatly within the broader historical trends that Confucian morality has shaped, reflected, or been changed by. His afterword devoted to "Further Readings and Contentious Issues" then leads readers responsibly outside the book to larger worlds, broaching difficult topics with sensibility and grace. Without hesitation, then, I would recommend that this book be assigned in all manner of undergraduate courses, in "rice paddies" as well as in courses on comparative thought and Chinese history— though I would have my own students think of it as an intellectual history of East Asia, not as a history of the Confucian Way (a point to which I return below).To communicate his respect, Berthrong seeks to illustrate "the complexity of the vision, life, conduct, meditation, conflict, compromise, and creativity that is hidden by the generalization of the word 'Confucianism'" (p. 7). To Berthrong's way of thinking, the death of "scriptural Confucianism" (Mark Elvin's phrase) notwithstanding, a tradition so protean in its transformations and so compelling in its advocacy of full humanity (ren) should find a way to renew itself in the near future—especially when his set of thinkers have at least as much light to shed on the philosophical problems encountered by humans as their counterparts among the philosophical masters of Europe and America. Berthrong is therefore at his very best when discussing xing (human nature), li (principle), and xin (heart/mind), comparing and contrasting the epistemology of Shao Yong (1011-1077), the cosmological speculations of Zhou Dunyi (1017-1073), the Cheng brothers on mind and principle (li), or the ruminations on sagehood by Wang Yangming (1472-1529).While such discussions richly convey to even the beginning student of Chinese [End Page 633] thought... (shrink)