We tend to think of conflict as bad and compromise as good. But how should we view conflict that exposes potential threats to the environment and health? And what about a compromise between litigants that may adversely affect the interests of third parties or undermine public health? There can be few places in the country where this issue has become more pressing than in my home state, Pennsylvania. The hydraulic fracturing of natural gas in the Marcellus Shale has transformed (...) lives and landscapes here, mainly in rural communities with low‐income populations. The Hallowich family is a case in point. (shrink)

‘E veramente quella sentenzia di Cornelio Tacito è aurea, che dice: che gli uomini hanno ad onorare le cose passate e ad ubbidire alle presenti, e debbono desiderare i buoni principi, e communque ei si sieno fatti, tolleragli’ – so Niccolò Machiavelli in 1531. Some four hundred years later a young Oxford scholar remarked: ‘that bad man, Eprius Marcellus, could have turned out a fine speech on the necessity for monarchy and tolerance, if we believe Tacitus – “ulteriora mirari, (...) praesentia sequi; bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualescumque tolerare” ’. It may be asked, however, to what extent the opinions of Eprius Marcellus can be regarded as those of Tacitus himself; this is, beyond doubt, a part of a major question, i.e. to what extent the utterances of historical personalities can be seen as a means of conveying Tacitus' own judgements. It is not my intention here to deal with this large problem; rather, I think it useful to look more closely at the Tacitean passage as a whole: not only the speech of Marcellus but also that of Helvidius as well as the historical context of the affair. It is to be hoped that such examination will render the quest for the historian's own opinions a little less difficult. (shrink)

On Virgil's lines excudent alii… there have been two recent studies, 1 and further items of bibliography from the last five years or so may be added. Nevertheless, there remains a good deal of uncertainty, even controversy, over Virgil's choice of Greek and Roman cultural achievements and over the literary antecedents of that choice.

In the small Teubner edition a warning is given that the alphabetical arrangement of these books may be medieval. Our MSS. of the Compendiosa Doctrina all come from one archetype, which had a misplaced leaf, many gaps, many ‘doctored’ passages, and a large number of scribal errors. And that archetype I believe to have been preserved in some English monastery library.

This paper aims to reexamine how traditions about the spolia opima developed with special emphasis on two crucial phases of their evolution, the time of Marcus Claudius Marcellus' dedication in 222 BC and the early years of Augustus' principate, following the restoration of the temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol. In particular, I will argue that Marcellus invented the spolia opima, that his feat shaped the entire tradition about such dedications, and that this tradition was later enhanced (...) and "reinvented" by Augustus, probably following upon renewed interest under Julius Caesar. Through an evaluation of the surviving evidence about the three canonical dedicators the possibility is explored that the spolia opima, rather than being an archaic ritual dating back to the regal period, represent a tradition invented by specific individuals at certain well-defined moments in Roman history. Augustus himself, beginning while he was still a child, was influenced by traditions about the career and achievements of M. Claudius Marcellus. Augustus' interest in Marcellus helps to explain his special focus on the spolia opima as a significant and hallowed Roman tradition. Consequently, in the late first century B.C., spolia opima were associated both with old-fashioned "republican" aspirations and also with the iconography and self-definition of the new ruling family. In this context other leading Romans of the age considered dedicating such spolia, notably M. Licinius Crassus, grandson of the triumvir, and the elder Drusus, brother of Tiberius. In addition, Virgil included the spolia opima as a recurring theme in the second half of the Aeneid. The poem reaches its climax when Aeneas kills his rival Italian leader Turnus in a duel which would have entitled him to dedicate spolia opima. (shrink)

In a paper in an earlier issue of this journal I endeavoured to show that Nonius Marcellus’ three glossarial sources known as ‘Gloss. iii’, ‘Alph. Verb’ and ‘Alph. Adverb’ were compiled by a lexicographer who paid attention to both metre and sense when excerpting works of Republican poetry. That compiler always excerpted quotations of poetry such that they consisted of, or began or ended with, a metrically complete verse. That method has produced quotations of high quality that are, on (...) several counts, considerably more transparent and more reliable than those preserved by less diligent sources. (shrink)

In A.D. 357 while at Antioch the sophist Libanius wrote a letter to his friend Anatolius in which he congratulated him on his appointment as praefectus praetorio Illyrid. He expressed his pleasure at the conduct of Anatolius in his new appointment, and related a story which he had heard at Antioch from Musonianus, the praefectus praetorio Orientis. On his appointment, Anatolius had promised Constantius II that he would not ignore the misconduct of any official, whether civilian or military, whatever his (...) rank. This promise had been put into effect almost immediately when one of the military commanders who showed cowardice against the barbarians was arrested. (shrink)

In A.D. 357 while at Antioch the sophist Libanius wrote a letter to his friend Anatolius in which he congratulated him on his appointment as praefectus praetorio Illyrid. He expressed his pleasure at the conduct of Anatolius in his new appointment, and related a story which he had heard at Antioch from Musonianus, the praefectus praetorio Orientis. On his appointment, Anatolius had promised Constantius II that he would not ignore the misconduct of any official, whether civilian or military, whatever his (...) rank. This promise had been put into effect almost immediately when one of the military commanders who showed cowardice against the barbarians was arrested. (shrink)

Hydraulic fracturing used to remove natural gas from the Marcellus Shale has raised environmental concerns in the region both in terms of air and water pollution. This article will examine those concerns and how the natural gas industry has responded to them. After discussing the issues related to groundwater contamination and air quality. I discuss industry responses and how the costs and harm associated with fracking could be reduced, with the knowledge that despite opposition from environmental groups, fracking will (...) continue. The hope is that more drillers will begin to operate in a socially responsible manner that will allow companies to be profitable while limiting harm to the environment and to individuals living near drilling sites. (shrink)

New technologies coupled with high energy prices, a desire for energy independence, and cleaner energy, have led to many energy companies investing large amounts of capital into rural places. In the last decade, along with solar and wind, unconventional shale oil and gas production has risen steeply throughout the United States boosting economic growth and stimulating wealth creation in many communities. Because farmers own or operate over half of rural lands in the lower 48 states, the possibility is high for (...) shale development to contribute to the financial well-being of farmers with land in shale regions. However, by focusing on the large royalties of some landowners, environmental and social risks that farmers encounter may be overlooked. To address the gap of farmer impacts, I examine the experiences and perceptions of crop farm owners who reside in two established shale plays: the Bakken region in North Dakota and the Marcellus region in Pennsylvania and in one emerging shale play: the New Albany region in Southern Illinois. I survey farm owners of both large and small crop farms, who farm a variety of crops both by conventional and organic methods. By having such a diverse sample of farm owners in both established shale plays and emerging shale plays, I explore how farmers’ experiences differ with respect to their finances and investments, environmental degradation as well as how their perceptions of trust in oil and gas companies and community rifts differ. (shrink)

The opening pages of the annals of the Roman monarchy tell of long-lived rulers and thriving families. Augustus lived to the ripe age of seventy-six, survived by his wife of fifty-one years, Livia, who died at eighty-six, while her son Tiberius bettered his predecessor's record by two more years. Augustus’ sister Octavia gave birth to five children, all of whom lived long enough to get married; Agrippa left at least half a dozen children, and perhaps more; Germanicus, despite his tender (...) age at death, was survived by no fewer than three sons and three daughters. At the same time, longevity and abundant offspring went hand in hand with early death and misery. More than a few luminaries of Augustus’ court were less fortunate than their elders: Marcellus died at twenty-three, the elder Drusus at twenty-nine, Augustus’ heirs Gaius and Lucius Caesar at twenty-three and eighteen. Drusus had lost a number of children save three that survived; Germanicus buried three of his six sons as infants. (shrink)

El propósito de este estudio es mostrar que la discusión sobre la autoría del Peri Hermeneias atribuido a Apuleyo, asunto bien difícil de determinar a ciencia cierta, puede recibir elementos de juicio interesantes desde la aclaración de que el De syllogismo categorico de Boecio y el PeriH de Apuleyo son similares entre. Así, este artículo pretende evidenciar que no sólo la exposición sobre lógica aristotélica que hizo el autor de PerH, sino también la de Mario victorino, que no nos ha (...) llegado, la de TuIIíus Marcellus Carthaginensis, que tampoco sobrevivió, y las posteriores de Boecio y Marciano Capella, son todas dependientes de la primera y original exposición de la lógica de aristotélica hecha por Teofrasto en sus analíticos Primeros, o por algún autor de su entorno. (shrink)

The winning of the ultimate military honour of spolia opima, spoils taken personally from an enemy commander killed by a Roman commander, traditionally occurred only three times in Roman history, the winners being Romulus in the legendary period, A. Cornelius Cossus in either 437 or 426 and M. Claudius Marcellus in 222 B.C.1 The dedication-place of these special spoils was the temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol, traditionally founded by Romulus for the purpose, and considered the oldest temple (...) in Rome : the god was said to draw his name either from the fact that the spolia opima were carried up to the Capitol by the victorious general in person, or from the fact that the general had to strike down his opposite number before such spoils could be won. (shrink)

Both in the fourth book of Cicero’s De signis (Verr. 2,4) and in the fourteenth book of Silius Italicus’ Punica, there are descriptions of the city of Syracuse at important points of the texts. In this paper, both descriptions are combined and for the first time thoroughly related. I discuss form and content of the accounts, show their functions in their oratorical and epic contexts and consider their similarities. The most important facets, where the descriptions coincide in, seem to be (...) their link to Marcellus’ conquest in the Second Punic War, the resulting precarious beauty of the city and the specifically Roman perspective on which these ekphraseis are based. (shrink)

Following the edition of the works of Ps. Justin by B. Pouderon, this article presents some critical notes concerning de monarchia and the Cohortatio ad Graecos. Notwithstanding the significant relationship with Clement of Alexandria, the de monarchia in fact comes from the Judeo-Hellenic background of Alexandria. The work was composed in the context of the anti-polytheistic controversy, and lacks the detail which would indicate a Christian origin. Concerning the Cohortatio it is suggested that due to its linguistic characteristics the probable (...) author is Marcellus of Ancyra, despite the fact that neither the doctrine nor the exegesis support this assumption. (shrink)

The object of this article is to set forth certain evidence that emerges from a study of three of Plutarch's Lives, the Titus, the Paullus, and the Cato Maior, evidence which indicates that these Lives are based upon a definite type of biographical composition, and to suggest its possible origin and date. Since E. Meyer's article on the Cimon of Nepos and Plutarch, biographical sources have generally been assumed for the Greek Lives, and there has been a tendency to make (...) the same assumption for the Roman Lives also, without, however, setting forth the evidence that might justify it. Uxkull Gyllenband maintained that biographies of Greeks and Romans, the sources of Plutarch, were written in the second century b.c., but he gives no evidence for his contention, which is indeed refuted by the observations of Jacoby. Mühl argued with some force that Plutarch's source for the Marcellus was a biography. There is good reason to doubt his conclusion that Plutarch has used a biography of Poseidonius; but the arguments advanced by Klotz for the thesis that the source was the annalist Valerius Antias are still less convincing. Liedmeier postulates a biographical source for the Paullus, but without doing more than asserting the general improbability that Plutarch here used a multiplicity of sources. It seems therefore desirable to collect such evidence as there is of a biographical source in these three Roman Lives of the second century b.c., and it is with such an attempt rather than with a priori considerations that I am here concerned. (shrink)

In a new reading of Tacitus's account of the quarrel between Helvidius Priscus and Eprius Marcellus at Hist. 4.6.3–4.10.1, I show that the historian stages a confrontation between panegyrical and Realpolitik rhetoric about the Principate. Helvidius uses the consensus-rhetoric of panegyric to propose that the senate claim the freedom they theoretically possess in the regime of a civilis princeps. Eprius describes the autocratic “reality” of the Principate in terms of contingency, necessity, and power. Helvidius's panegyrical fantasy runs up against (...) practical limits, but Eprius's hardheaded truisms prove equally problematic for senatorial oratory. The failures of both speeches comment on the necessity of a consciously fictive “public transcript” such as Pliny's Panegyric while pointing to historiography as the proper place for Realpolitik truths. The debate sheds new light on Tacitus's praise of Trajan and Nerva at the beginning of the Histories as a locus for collective senatorial self-fashioning. (shrink)

This article discusses the text and interpretation of passages in Plutarch's Lives of Romulus, Agis and Cleomenes, Pericles, Brutus, Marcellus, Alexander and Marius.