The proposed peace treaty of 540 between Justinian and Vitiges ‒ according to most interpretations of Proc. Bell. Goth. 2.29.2 ‒ included a partition of Italy into two areas, one located south of the river Po and controlled by Justinian and the other located north of the Po and controlled by the Goths. However, a closer examination of Procopius’ wording and of similar passages indicates that Justinian aimed to receive only the tax revenues of southern and central (...) Italy, with the provinces themselves remaining in the hands of the Goths. (shrink)

An account of the contribution of Justinian, a Byzantine emperor, born in 483 at Tauresium in Illyricum (now Skopje, Macedonia). He is best remembered for his codification of laws, military acumen, ecclesiastical contribution, and encouragement of Christian architecture. In the Orthodox Church he is regarded a saint, whose feast day falls on November 14th.

Among the accusations Procopius brings against Justinian in the Secret History is the following: The matter of the kataskopoi is as follows. From ancient times many men were maintained at public expense. They would enter enemy territory and gain access to the palace of the Persians, either under the guise of trading or by some other ploy. After investigating everything thoroughly, they would return to Roman territory and be able to report all the secrets of the enemy to the (...) government officials. Forewarned, they were on their guard and nothing unforeseen would take them by surprise. (shrink)

Among the accusations Procopius brings against Justinian in the Secret History is the following: The matter of the kataskopoi is as follows. From ancient times many men were maintained at public expense. They would enter enemy territory and gain access to the palace of the Persians, either under the guise of trading or by some other ploy. After investigating everything thoroughly, they would return to Roman territory and be able to report all the secrets of the enemy to the (...) government officials. Forewarned, they were on their guard and nothing unforeseen would take them by surprise. (shrink)

‘Kontakion der reuigen Zerknirschung, gesungen auf jegliches Erdbeben und (jegliche) Feuersbrunst’ (ϰοντάϰιον ϰατανυϰτιϰòν ψαλλóμενον εις εϰαστον σεισμòν ϰαι εμπϱησμóν), so wird das Lied des Romanos 54 M.-Tr. in dem einzigen vollständigen Textzeugen bezeichnet und überdies dem Mittwoch der dritten Fastenwoche zugewiesen. Doch keines von Romanos' Liedern ist als ganzes so wenig zum wiederholten Gebrauch geeignet wie dieses. Paul Maas erkannte, daß hier auf die Nika-Revolte vom Januar 532 angespielt wird, in deren Verlauf die Kirche der Heiligen Weisheit und große Teile (...) der Stadt in Flammen aufgingen, und bei deren Unterdrückung nach zeitgenössischen Berichten mehr als dreißigtausend Angehörige der Demen von den Truppen der kaiserlichen Feldherren Belisar und Mundus im Hippodrom von Konstantinopel wehrlos niedergemacht wurden. (shrink)

For this study, we will present the most important ecumenical activities of Patriarch Justinian Marina. He was the third Patriarch of the Romanian Orthodox Church between 1948 and 1977. During this period, he was very concerned to establish a relationship with the main ecumenical institutions. We will speak about his dialogue with one of the most important ecumenical group, namely the World Council of Churches, founded in 1948 in Geneva, Switzerland. Of course, the dialogue with the Church of England (...) must to be mentioned. His ecumenical activity was very important for the Orthodox Church, Patriarch Justinian being one of the most important Church leaders who tried and succeeded to be in contact with different religious leaders from Romania and abroad. We do not have to forget that during his time the communist regime ruled our country. In the first part, we will give different historical information about his ecumenical activity and in the second part we will explore his theological thinking about the ecumenical dialogue and movement. (shrink)

Following the precedent of Justinian, First Consul and then Emperor Napoleon proposed to enhance his military achievements with a legal Code based on the riches of Roman law and a system of legal education designed to perpetuate it. Like Justinian, Napoleon prohibited 'interpretation' of his creation on the grounds that this would contravene imperial will -- as opposed to the countervailing principle of popular sovereignty. Yet in neither case could the prince stop history, for in the effort to (...) adapt the code to changing conditions of society later jurists promoted just such subversive violations. (shrink)

Der als Flavius Petrus Sabbatius um das Jahr 482 in Bederiana geborene Justinian I. gehört unbestritten zu den faszinierendsten Herrscherpersönlichkeiten des Byzantinischen Reiches; in den annähernd vierzig Jahren seiner alleinigen Regentschaft zwischen dem 1. August 527 und dem 14. November 565, seinem Todestag, verstand er es, die Grenzen des Reiches bis in den Süden Spaniens und an den Euphrat auszudehnen. Ein großer Förderer der Baukunst, wie wesentlich aus der Schrift De aedificiis des Geschichtsschreibers Prokopios von Kaisareia bekannt ist, ließ (...) er neben zahlreichen Neuschöpfungen und Restaurierungen im gesamten Reichsgebiet alleine in der Hauptstadt Konstantinopel mehr als dreißig Kirchenbauten errichten, darunter die Hagia Sophia als einen bis heute unübertroffenen Vertreter christlicher Architektur. Neben umfangreichen Reformen im Innern regte er bereits in seinen frühen Regierungsjahren mit dem Corpus Iuris Civilis eine Rechtskodifikation an, deren Auswirkungen bis in die Moderne hinein spürbar geblieben sind. Persönlich von hoher Gelehrsamkeit und auch theologisch umfangreich gebildet, stand ihm zwischen 525 und 548 mit Theodora eine Frau zur Seite, die seine Charaktereigenschaften durch ihren Mut, ihre Ausdauer und ihr Beharrungsvermögen in idealer Weise ergänzte und auf Zeitgenossen wie auch auf Nachgeborene eine tiefe Faszination auszuüben vermochte. Gleich Konstantin dem Großen gehört Justinian I. zu den wenigen, deren Namen sich mit Fug und Recht mit dem bedeutungsschweren Terminus „Zeitalter“ verbinden lassen. (shrink)

Le Traité des édifices de Procope a été composé en 554 ap. J.-C. L'A. montre que cette oeuvre peut être lue comme un jugement sur l'empereur Justinien dont Procope met en avant l'arrogance. Il établit un rapport entre l'empereur et Dieu : c'est dans la conquête de la nature que se combinent la providence divine et la perception impériale. L'oeuvre combine ainsi deux niveaux de langage : un qui est mystérieux tandis que l'autre est arrogant.

This is a study of what constituted legality and the role of law in ancient societies. Investigating and comparing legal codes and legal thinking of the ancient societies of Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, India, the Roman Republic, the Roman Empire and of the ancient Rabbis, this volume examines how people used law to create stable societies. Starting with Hammurabi's Code, this volume also analyzes the law of the pharaohs and the codes of the ancient rabbis and of the Roman Emperor (...) class='Hi'>Justinian. Focusing on the key concepts of justice equity and humaneness, the status of women and slaves, and the idea of criminality and of war and peace; no other book attempts to examine such diverse legal systems and legal thinking from the ancient world. (shrink)

Late antique political Platonism was not unoriginal in its thought. The paper takes as an example the Justinianic dialogue On Political Science (ca. 550), which creatively engages with Plato’s political works. It shows that the dialogue tries – and manages, as I argue – to combine two apparently inconsistent Platonic models: what I call the “divine” model, in which a philosopher-king endowed with divine knowledge rules unhindered by civic laws; and the “human” model, characterized by the rule of law. The (...) divine model comes mostly from Plato’s Republic and Statesman; the human one, from the Laws. On Political Science demonstrates that its (anonymous) author was acquainted with these three Platonic texts, in addition to other texts. That is philologically noteworthy, but also philosophically interesting: the dialogue manages to integrate the two models into a common framework. It puts forward an original political model, in which a philosopher-king, although endowed with divine knowledge, still has to be bound by civic laws because of his human frailty. The article concludes by discussing the polemical import the dialogue could have had in its Justinianic context. (shrink)

Examining a range of sixth-century literary sources, this paper explores the authors' attitudes toward the marital relationship of the Late Roman emperor Justinian I and his empress, Theodora. It emerges that the sources characteristically appeal to the agency of Theodora or to an underlying level of mutual understanding between the imperial couple in order to reconcile inconsistencies or apparent contradictions between the regime's rhetoric and its actions. Recourse to such an interior dynamic gave scope to the recognition and expression (...) of contradiction without thereby entailing an admission of disorder: it enabled the imperial couple, and thus in an overarching sense the instrumental function of the imperial "role" in the state, to work if necessary at cross purposes while preserving an unbroken unity of purpose. Special attention is paid to the particular interests and expectations of two distinct groups: the classically-educated mandarinate of the Roman civil service, and the schismatic hierarchy of the nascent Monophysite church. (shrink)

In his monograph on the praetorian prefect, L. L. Howe found it necessary to include an appendix concerning the Codex Justinianus as a source for this official. The problem was that while manuscripts or early editors had labelled various recipients of third-century imperial constitutions as prefects, all save two of those appellations were expunged by Krueger in his edition of the CJ. Howe considered it ‘impossible to believe’ that only two of the numerous pre-Diocletianic rescripts preserved by Justinian's compilers (...) should have been directed to praetorian prefects; but he also realised that without further evidence or argumentation, Krueger's scepticism could not simply be ignored. The solution was to label some cases dubious; others, following Krueger, were rejected altogether. But beyond this, Howe was able to discover several instances of entirely unlabelled addressees who could be identified with otherwise known praetorian prefects, and he supposed that many similar cases might be found. (shrink)