In this short, dense essay, Jean Cavaillès evaluates philosophical efforts to determine the origin - logical or ontological - of scientific thought, arguing that, rather than seeking to found science in original intentional acts, a priori meanings, or foundational logical relations, any adequate theory must involve a history of the concept. Cavaillès insists on a historical epistemology that is conceptual rather than phenomenological, and a logic that is dialectical rather than transcendental. His famous call (cited by Foucault) (...) to abandon "a philosophy of consciousness" for "a philosophy of the concept" was crucial in displacing the focus of philosophical enquiry from aprioristic foundations toward structural historical shifts in the conceptual fabric. This new translation of Cavaillès's final work, written in 1942 during his imprisonment for Resistance activities, presents an opportunity to reencounter an original and lucid thinker. Cavaillès's subtle adjudication between positivistic claims that science has no need of philosophy, and philosophers' obstinate disregard for actual scientific events, speaks to a dilemma that remains pertinent for us today. His affirmation of the authority of scientific thinking combined with his commitment to conceptual creation yields a radical defense of the freedom of thought and the possibility of the new. (shrink)

Jean Cavaillès (15 mai 1903-17 février 1944) était un philosophe français, héros et l'un des organisateurs de la Résistance, avant d'être fusillé à 40 ans par les nazis. Une journée d'hommage lui a été consacrée le 17 février 2014 à l'Ecole normale supérieure de Paris. Pierre-Yves Canu, Tommy Murtagh, Hourya Benis Sinaceur, Paul Cortois, Alya Aglan, Baptiste Mélès, Gerhard Heinzmann et Jacques Lautman présentent un Cavaillès indissociablement philosophe et Résistant, explorent les racines de sa pensée, montrent l'actualité de ses (...) concepts. Jean-Jacques Szczeciniarz et Christian Houzel proposent une analyse du Mouvement de la jeunesse allemand, un historique de la société Les Amis de Jean Cavaillès, éditrice du présent recueil, et deux hommages à celui qui la présida de 1989 à 1995, le mathématicien Henri Cartan. (shrink)

L'abstraction qui donne le logique etant radicale tombe dans le vide. Ni du cote matiere, puisqu'elle porte sur l'indefini tout objet, ni du cote forme elle ne s'accroche a une qualification positive. Comment est possible une science qui ne dispose que des notions unite, pluralite et representation? Que tirer de l'exigence d'accord de la pensee avec elle meme sinon l'eternelle repetition? Pour que l'accord revetit un sens plein, il faudrait qu'il y eut au moins une differenciation a l'interieur de la (...) pensee, que l'occasion de desaccord possedat deja un contenu, mais la logique serait alors logique transcendantale ou dialectique. Jean Cavailles. (shrink)

Only rarely does Descartes deal with specifically political questions, and then when he does so, it is only by denial, to justify his refusal to “become involved” in politics. All the texts show that this attitude of rejecting politics is not dictated primarily by prudence, the rule in this century of intolerance, but by a concern for philosophical consistency. This denial, as we will be attempting to establish, seems conditioned by fundamental options of Cartesian philosophy. For the moment we will (...) only examine the theoretical effects of this refusal to write about politics other than by denial; such effects seem to us to consist in the exclusion of politics outside the realm of knowledge and its problematic inclusion into that of morality. And although it has been possible to speak of a “political Descartes”, it is completely against his stated intentions. This Descartes would be political in spite of himself. In fact, such an approach can only consist in a political interpretation of this denial, in a political reading of the texts that reject, or more often pass over in silence, politics as such. Although a reading of this kind can be at best a hazardous one, we will not attempt to challenge its legitimacy, for it is certainly possible to affirm that the work of Descartes is ridden and wrought by the question of politics (just as all philosophical thought, in one way or another, must of necessity confront political reality), but it is not without importance to begin by noting that it is never touched upon other than indirectly, obliquely, through the use of theoretical devices whose finality is not political. (shrink)

L'abstraction qui donne le logique etant radicale tombe dans le vide. Ni du cote matiere, puisqu'elle porte sur l'indefini tout objet, ni du cote forme elle ne s'accroche a une qualification positive. Comment est possible une science qui ne dispose que des notions unite, pluralite et representation? Que tirer de l'exigence d'accord de la pensee avec elle meme sinon l'eternelle repetition? Pour que l'accord revetit un sens plein, il faudrait qu'il y eut au moins une differenciation a l'interieur de la (...) pensee, que l'occasion de desaccord possedat deja un contenu, mais la logique serait alors logique transcendantale ou dialectique. Jean Cavailles. (shrink)

Anthony Feneuil : Une question concernant votre parcours : pourquoi avoir choisi l'incroyance comme thème de prédilection? Comment y êtes-vous venu et quels sont selon vous les enjeux d’une histoire de l’incroyance aujourd’hui? Est-ce qu'ils sont d'abord épistémologiques (parce que la question de l'incroyance pose des questions à l'historien sur les sources qu'il utilise et leurs biais, oblige à se poser la question des rapports de pouvoir etc.)? Sont-ils politiques? Il est vrai que l'inc...

Toute situation de persécution a des effets sur les actions, les discours et les écrits de ceux qui en sont les victimes. Ce postulat conduit à une lecture critique de quelques - uns des traits saillants et des présupposés de « art d ' écrire entre les lignes », dont traite Leo Strauss dans son fameux essai Writing and Persecution. Le double constat de la pertinence de la méthode de lecture proposée et de son caractère problématique, inhérent à l ' (...) anthropologie élitiste qui sous - tend la démarche, conduit à revenir sur l ' histoire de la notion de persécution, pour en mettre en évidence la forte connotation religieuse, mais aussi l ' importance philosophique, à condition d ' assumer clairement le jugement éthique qui s ' y trouve engagé. Une étude de l ' écriture en régime de persécution devient alors possible, qui ne renie pas l ' inspiration straussienne, mais va plutôt chercher ses outils dans les sciences sociales contemporaines. Any persecution situation has effects on the actions, discourses and writings of its victims. Such a postulate leads to a critical reading of a few features and assumptions of an « art of writing in - between the Unes » Leo Strauss deals with in his famous essay Writing and Persecution. The twofold report of the relevant reading method and of its problematic character, inherent to the elitist anthropology underlying such an approach, leads to resume to the history of the concept of persecution such as to stress its strong religious connotation, but also its philosophical importance, provided one should fully acknowledge the ethical judgment thus implied. A study of writing in persecution regime thus becomes possible not denying the Straussian inspiration but rather trying to find new tools in contemporary social sciences. (shrink)

Dans les années 1650, l’Angleterre fut le théâtre d’une longue série d’exhibitions prophétiques et protestataires, d’hommes et de femmes nues en des lieux publics (rues, églises, universités...), provoquant le scandale et l’incompréhension de la plus grande partie du public. Ces femmes et ces hommes allaient nus « as a sign », renouvelant ainsi un épisode de l’Ancien Testament (Ésaïe 20.2-3) pour dénoncer la « nudité » spirituelle de ceux devant lesquels ils s’exhibaient. Cette pratique visait à montrer ce que Dieu (...) était sur le point de leur infliger : une mise à nu, un dépouillement complet de tous leurs biens, pouvoirs et prérogatives sociales. Une approche genrée de ces exhibitions de nudité éclaire les enjeux théologico-politiques et sociaux d’un phénomène qui accompagna la naissance et le développement du mouvement quaker et se prolongea jusqu’en Nouvelle-Angleterre. (shrink)

The philosopher of Mathematics Jean Cavaillès plays an important role in Claude Imbert's thought. His published work had a significant impact after the war. It is largely a reflection on debates on the foundation of mathematics and on two opposed models of axiomatics, foundationalist and constructionist. The philosophy he announced was to be a study of the generativity of conceptual structures, as opposed to a phenomenology of knowledge. He derived from his reflection on invention in mathematics a great scepticism (...) on the ideas of the separateness and unity of consciousness and a criticism of the teleologies inherent in philosophies of consciousness. In that, his work, according to Claude Imbert, made possible the reflections on structures and symbolisms which were to dominate the French context in the following decades. (shrink)

The article reconstructs Jean Cavaillès’s polemical engagement with Edmund Husserl’s phenomenological philosophy of mathematics. I argue that Cavaillès’s encounter with Husserl clarifies the scope and ambition of Cavaillès’s philosophy of the concept by identifying three interrelated epistemological problems in Husserl’s phenomenological method: (1) Cavaillès claims that Husserl denies a proper content to mathematics by reducing mathematics to logic. (2) This reduction obliges Husserl, in turn, to mischaracterize the significance of the history of mathematics for the philosophy of mathematics. (3) (...) Finally, Husserl’s phenomenology distorts the nature of mathematical experience. Accordingly, Cavaillès’s philosophy of mathematics is premised on a threefold affirmation designed to overcome these inadequacies. Cavaillès claims that mathematics is an autonomous field of conceptual production that cannot be reduced to logical, psychological, or phenomenological descriptions of conceptual genesis. Two important corollaries follow: the history of mathematics must guide the philosophy of mathematics, and mathematical experience itself must be described according to the mechanisms of a novel theory of mathematical abstraction. In what follows, I demonstrate that Cavaillès’s encounter with Husserl does not merely describe a polemical engagement with a rival philosophical position; it allows us to reconstruct Cavaillès’s own highly original contributions to the philosophy of mathematics. (shrink)

French epistemology of mathematics — Cavailles, Lautman, Herbrand — took a critical position about the project for a theory of science stated by the Vienna Circle. The opportunity was provided by the International Congress of Philosophy of Science celebrated in Prague in 1936. The position taken by Cavailles and Lautmann was surprisingly close to that taken by Tarski's introduction of semantics and to Wittgenstein's Tractatus. More specifically, to those parts of the Tractatus that were disqualified by Carnap. This criticism will (...) be a part of what would later constitute "mathematical philosophy". (shrink)

French epistemology of mathematics — Cavailles, Lautman, Herbrand — took a critical position about the project for a theory of science stated by the Vienna Circle. The opportunity was provided by the International Congress of Philosophy of Science celebrated in Prague in 1936. The position taken by Cavailles and Lautmann was surprisingly close to that taken by Tarski's introduction of semantics and to Wittgenstein's Tractatus. More specifically, to those parts of the Tractatus that were disqualified by Carnap. This criticism will (...) be a part of what would later constitute "mathematical philosophy". (shrink)

La philosophie de l’histoire des mathématiques entretient chez Cavaillès un rapport étroit et contrasté, avec celle que Brunschvicg expose dans La Modalité du jugement (1897). L’activité du jugement scientifique y est dite mixte, entre jugements (idéaux) d’intériorité et jugements (réalistes) d’extériorité. La forme mixte de l’activité historique de la connaissance est la modalité du possible. D’où une épistémologie historique qui revendique la filiation idéaliste kantienne et rejette l’idéalisme spéculatif. Cavaillès, penseur de la nécessité créatrice du devenir mathématique, réduisant le rôle (...) de la possibilité et de l’aventure intellectuelle dans son histoire, se détache par là d’un maître dont un Canguilhem serait demeuré plus proche. L’histoire mathématique récente, en préparant à un Kronecker sa revanche sur les conceptions ensemblistes abstraites qui inspiraient le nécessitarisme de Cavaillès, conduit à reconsidérer le radicalisme qui l’opposait à la philosophie brunschvicgienne de la modalité du jugement. (shrink)

A partir de la divergencia de M. Foucault con Th. Hobbes con respecto a la guerra como principio y fundamento del poder, se muestra la importancia de esa diferencia conceptual para los análisis políticos contemporáneos. Foucault sostiene que, en las sociedades modernas de Occidente, la comunidad política, y más precisamente la política misma, ha sido el terreno de la guerra librada por otros medios. Por extensión, esta tesis significa invertir el principio de von Clausewitz; a saber, que la guerra es (...) la continuación de la política por otros medios. On the basis of the difference between M. Foucault and Th. Hobbes regarding war as a principle and foundation of power, the article shows the importance of this conceptual difference for contemporary political analyses. Foucault argues that in modern Western societies, the political community and, more specifically, politics itself, has been the space of a war waged by other means. By extension, this thesis entails the inversion of von Clausewitz's principle, namely, that war is the continuation of politics by other means. A partir da divergência de M. Foucault com Th. Hobbes sobre a guerra como princípio e fundamento do poder, mostra-se a importância dessa diferença conceitual para as análises políticas contemporâneas. Foucault sustenta que, nas sociedades modernas do Ocidente, a comunidade política, e mais precisamente a política em si, tem sido o terreno da guerra travada por outros meios. Por extensão, esta tese significa inverter o princípio de von Clausewitz; a saber, que a guerra é a continuação da política por outros meios. (shrink)