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James Bohman [130]James F. Bohman [4]James Francis Bohman [1]James E. Bohman [1]
  1. The place of self-interest and the role of power in deliberative democracy.Jane Mansbridge, James Bohman, Simone Chambers, David Estlund, Andreas Føllesdal, Archon Fung, Cristina Lafont, Bernard Manin & José Luis Martí - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):64-100.
  2.  77
    Democracy Across Borders: From Dêmos to Dêmoi.James Bohman - 2007 - MIT Press.
    Today democracy is both exalted as the "best means to realize human rights" and seen as weakened because of globalization and delegation of authority beyond the nation-state. In this provocative book, James Bohman argues that democracies face a period of renewal and transformation and that democracy itself needs redefinition according to a new transnational ideal. Democracy, he writes, should be rethought in the plural; it should no longer be understood as rule by the people, singular, with a specific territorial identification (...)
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  3. Deliberative Democracy: Essays on Reason and Politics.James Bohman & William Rehg (eds.) - 1997 - MIT Press.
    The contributions in this anthology address tensions that arise between reason and politics in a democracy inspired by the ideal of achieving reasoned agreement among free and equal citizens.
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  4. Public Deliberation: Pluralism, Complexity, and Democracy.James Bohman - 2000 - MIT Press.
    Bohman develops a realistic model of deliberation by gradually introducing and analyzing the major tests facing deliberative democracy: cultural pluralism, social inequalities, social complexity, and community-wide biases and ideologies.
  5. Public Deliberation: Pluralism, Complexity, and Democracy.James Bohman - 1998 - Philosophy and Rhetoric 31 (4):321-326.
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  6. After Philosophy: End or Transformation?Kenneth Baynes, James Bohman & Thomas McCarthy (eds.) - 1986 - MIT Press.
    The selectionsfrom the work of fourteen contemporary philosophers not only display the multiplicity of approachesbeing pursued since the breakup of any consensus on what philosophy is, but also help to clarifythis proliferation of views and ...
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  7. Deliberative democracy and the epistemic benefits of diversity.James Bohman - 2006 - Episteme 3 (3):175-191.
    It is often assumed that democracies can make good use of the epistemic benefi ts of diversity among their citizenry, but difficult to show why this is the case. In a deliberative democracy, epistemically relevant diversity has three aspects: the diversity of opinions, values, and perspectives. Deliberative democrats generally argue for an epistemic form of Rawls' difference principle: that good deliberative practice ought to maximize deliberative inputs, whatever they are, so as to benefi t all deliberators, including the least eff (...)
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  8. Perpetual Peace: Essays on Kant's Cosmopolitan Ideal.James Bohman & Matthias Lutz-Bachmann (eds.) - 1997 - MIT Press.
    In 1795 Immanuel Kant published an essay entitled "Toward Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch." The immediate occasion for the essay was the March 1795 signing of the Treaty of Basel by Prussia and revolutionary France, which Kant condemned as only "the suspension of hostilities, not a peace." In the essay, Kant argues that it is humankind's immediate duty to solve the problem of violence and enter into the cosmopolitan ideal of a universal community of all peoples governed by the rule (...)
  9. Republican cosmopolitanism.James Bohman - 2004 - Journal of Political Philosophy 12 (3):336–352.
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  10. Domination, Epistemic Injustice and Republican Epistemology.James Bohman - 2012 - Social Epistemology 26 (2):175-187.
    With her conception of epistemic injustice, Miranda Fricker has opened up new normative dimensions for epistemology; that is, the injustice of denying one?s status as a knower. While her analysis of the remedies for such injustices focuses on the epistemic virtues of agents, I argue for the normative superiority of adapting a broadly republican conception of epistemic injustice. This argument for a republican epistemology has three steps. First, I focus on methodological and explanatory issues of identifying epistemic injustice and argue, (...)
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  11. Jürgen Habermas.James Bohman - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  12.  53
    The Interpretive turn: philosophy, science, culture.David R. Hiley, James Bohman & Richard Shusterman (eds.) - 1991 - Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
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  13. Critical theory.James Bohman - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  14.  78
    Relativism and the Ontological Turn within Anthropology.James Bohman - 2013 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 43 (1):3-23.
    The “ontological turn” is a recent movement within cultural anthropology. Its proponents want to move beyond a representationalist framework, where cultures are treated as systems of belief (concepts, etc.) that provide different perspectives on a single world. Authors who write in this vein move from talk of many cultures to many “worlds,” thus appearing to affirm a form of relativism. We argue that, unlike earlier forms of relativism, the ontological turn in anthropology is not only immune to the arguments of (...)
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  15. New Philosophy of Social Science: Problems of Indeterminacy.James Bohman - 1993 - MIT Press.
    This article defends methodological and theoretical pluralism in the social sciences. While pluralistic, such a philosophy of social science is both pragmatic and normative. Only by facing the problems of such pluralism, including how to resolve the potential conflicts between various methods and theories, is it possible to discover appropriate criteria of adequacy for social scientific explanations and interpretations. So conceived, the social sciences do not give us fixed and universal features of the social world, but rather contribute to the (...)
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  16. Democracy as inquiry, inquiry as democratic: pragmatism, social science, and the cognitive division of labor.James Bohman - 1999 - American Journal of Political Science 43 (2):590--607.
     
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  17. New Philosophy of Social Science.James Bohman - 1997 - Human Studies 20 (4):429-440.
    This article defends methodological and theoretical pluralism in the social sciences. While pluralistic, such a philosophy of social science is both pragmatic and normative. Only by facing the problems of such pluralism, including how to resolve the potential conflicts between various methods and theories, is it possible to discover appropriate criteria of adequacy for social scientific explanations and interpretations. So conceived, the social sciences do not give us fixed and universal features of the social world, but rather contribute to the (...)
     
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  18. Realizing deliberative democracy as a mode of inquiry: Pragmatism, social facts, and normative theory.James Bohman - 2004 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 18 (1):23-43.
  19.  54
    Public Reason and Cultural Pluralism.James Bohman - 1995 - Political Theory 23 (2):253-279.
  20. Theories, practices, and pluralism: A pragmatic interpretation of critical social science.James Bohman - 1999 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 29 (4):459-480.
    A hallmark of recent critical social science has been the commitment to methodological and theoretical pluralism. Habermas and others have argued that diverse theoretical and empirical approaches are needed to support informed social criticism. However, an unresolved tension remains in the epistemology of critical social science: the tension between the epistemic advantages of a single comprehensive theoretical framework and those of methodological and theoretical pluralism. By shifting the grounds of the debate in a way suggested by Dewey's pragmatism, the author (...)
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  21.  61
    (1 other version)Deliberative Toleration.James Bohman - 2003 - Political Theory 31 (6):757-779.
    Political liberals now defend what Rawls calls the "inclusive view" of public reason with the appropriate ideal of reasonable pluralism. Against the application of such a liberal conception of toleration to deliberative democracy "the open view of toleration is with no constraints" is the only regime of toleration that can be democratically justified. Recent debates about the public or nonpublic character of religious reasons provide a good test case and show why liberal deliberative theories are intolerant and fail to live (...)
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  22.  42
    The Public Spheres of the World Citizen.James Bohman - 1995 - Proceedings of the Eighth International Kant Congress 1:1065-1080.
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  23. Participation through publics: did Dewey answer Lippmann?James Bohman - 2010 - Contemporary Pragmatism 7 (1):49-68.
    John Dewey's Public and its Problems provides his fullest account of democracy under the emerging conditions of complex, modern societies. While responding to Lippmann's criticisms of democracy as self-rule, Dewey acknowledges the truth of many of the social scientific criticisms of democracy, while he defends democracy by reconstructing it. Dewey seeks a new public in a “Great Community” based on more face-to-face communication about nonlocal issues. Yet Dewey fails to consistently apply his own reconstructive argument, retreating to a communal basis (...)
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  24.  41
    The Democratic Minimum: Is Democracy a Means to Global Justice?James Bohman - 2005 - Ethics and International Affairs 19 (1):101-116.
    I argue that transnational democracy provides the basis for a solution to the problem of the “democratic circle”—that in order for democracy to promote justice, it must already be just—at the international level. Transnational democracy could be a means to global justice. First, I briefly recount my argument for the “democratic minimum.” This minimum is freedom from domination, understood in a very specific sense. Employing Hannah Arendt's conception of freedom as “the capacity to begin,” the form of nondomination sufficient for (...)
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  25.  92
    Critical Theory, Republicanism, and the Priority of Injustice: Transnational Republicanism as a Nonideal Theory.James Bohman - 2012 - Journal of Social Philosophy 43 (2):97-112.
  26.  56
    Cosmopolitan Republicanism.James Bohman - 2001 - The Monist 84 (1):3-21.
    Cosmopolitanism and republicanism are both inherently political ideals. In most discussions, they are taken to have contrasting, if not conflicting, normative aspirations. Cosmopolitanism is “thin” and abstractly universal, unable to articulate the basis for a “thick” citizenship in a republican political community. This commonly accepted way of dividing up the conceptual and political terrain is, however, increasingly misleading in the age of the global transformation of political authority. Rather than centered on community, republicanism is in the first instance an ideal (...)
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  27. New Philosophy of Social Science: Problems of Indeterminacy.James Bohman - 1999 - Human Studies 22 (1):117-123.
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  28.  38
    Nondomination and transnational democracy.James Bohman - 2008 - In Cecile Laborde & John Maynor (eds.), Republicanism and Political Theory. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 159--216.
  29.  28
    Introduction.James Bohman - 1998 - Modern Schoolman 75 (2):85-86.
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  30.  89
    From Demos to Demoi: Democracy across Borders.James Bohman - 2005 - Ratio Juris 18 (3):293-314.
    . The paper discusses a needed double transformation of democracy, of its institutional form and its normative ideal, in three steps. First, the Author takes for granted that the empirical fact of the increasing scope and intensity of global interaction and interdependence are not sufficient to decide the issue between gradualists and transformationalists. Indeed, gradualists and transformationalists share an underlying conception that leads to a particular emphasis in modern theories on legal institutions. This same set of problems emerges in contemporary (...)
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  31. World Disclosure and Radical Criticism.James Bohman - 1994 - Thesis Eleven 37 (1):82-97.
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  32.  35
    Blame It on the Norm.James Bohman - 2014 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 44 (2):131-150.
    In this paper, I provide a qualified defense of the claim that cognitive biases are not necessarily signs of irrationality, but rather the result of using normative standards that are too narrow. I show that under certain circumstances, behavior that violates traditional norms of rationality can be adaptive. Yet, I express some reservations about the claim that we should replace our traditional normative standards. Furthermore, I throw doubt on the claim that the replacement of normative standards would license optimistic verdicts (...)
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  33.  72
    Reflexivity, agency and constraint: The paradoxes of Bourdieu's sociology of knowledge.James Bohman - 1997 - Social Epistemology 11 (2):171 – 186.
    (1997). Reflexivity, agency and constraint: The paradoxes of Bourdieu's sociology of knowledge. Social Epistemology: Vol. 11, New Directions in the Sociology of Knowledge, pp. 171-186.
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  34.  99
    Is Hegel a Republican? Pippin, Recognition, and Domination in the Philosophy of Right.James Bohman - 2010 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 53 (5):435-449.
    Robert Pippin's masterful account of rational agency in Hegel emphasizes important dimensions of freedom and independence, where putative independence is always bound up with a profound dependence on others. This insistence on the complex relationships between freedom, dependence and independence raise an important question that Pippin does not consider: is Hegel a republican? This is especially significant given the fact that modern republicanism has explored this same conceptual terrain. I argue that a form of republicanism is in fact an important (...)
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  35. Reflexive public deliberation: Democracy and the limits of pluralism.James Bohman - 2003 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 29 (1):85-105.
    Deliberative democracy defends an ideal of equality as political efficacy. Jorge Valadez offers a defense of such an ideal given cultural pluralism of ethnopolitical groups. He develops an epistemological account of the fact of pluralism as entailing incommensurable conceptual frameworks. While his account goes a long way towards identifying the problems with neutrality and many other liberal solutions to the problem of pluralism, it is still too liberal in certain ways. First, he draws the limits of deliberation and political inclusion (...)
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  36.  58
    From Self-Legislation to Self-Determination: Democracy and the New Circumstances of Global Politics.James Bohman - 2016 - Critical Horizons 17 (1):123-134.
    It is a distinctive feature of the global political order that democracy is no longer confined to nation-states, characterized by extensive and overlapping constituencies. It is important to think of the significance of these developments for individuals’ self-determination, which may be undermined in different ways. Here it is argued that democracy must serve to delegate power to complex units of decision making which favour self-determination. Contestability is part of this form of self-determination, allowing forms of politics to emerge based on (...)
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  37.  71
    Critical Theory as Practical Knowledge: Participants, Observers, and Critics.James Bohman - 2003 - In Stephen P. Turner & Paul Andrew Roth (eds.), The Blackwell Guide to the Philosophy of the Social Sciences. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 89–109.
    This chapter contains sections titled: Critics, Observers, and Participants: Two Forms of Critical Theory Social Inquiry as Practical Knowledge Pluralism and Critical Inquiry Reflexivity, Perspective Taking, and Practical Verification Conclusion: The Politics of Critical Social Inquiry Notes.
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  38.  88
    (1 other version)Discourse and democracy: The formal and informal bases of legitimacy in Habermas' faktizität und geltung.William Rehg & James Bohman - 1996 - Journal of Political Philosophy 4 (1):79–99.
  39. Cosmopolitan Republicanism and the Rule of Law.James Bohman - 2009 - In Samantha Besson & José Luis Martí (eds.), Legal Republicanism: National and International Perspectives. Oxford University Press.
     
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  40.  25
    Living without Freedom.James Bohman - 2009 - Political Theory 37 (4):539-561.
    For Kant and many modern cosmopolitans, establishing the rule of law provides the chief mechanism for achieving a just global order. Yet, as Hart and Rawls have argued, the rule of law, as it is commonly understood, is quite consistent with "great iniquities." This criticism does not apply to a sufficiently robust, republican conception of the rule of law, which attributes a basic legal status to all persons. Accordingly, the pervasiveness of dominated persons without legal status is a a fundamental (...)
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  41. The importance of the second person: interpretation, practical knowledge, and normative attitudes.James Bohman - 2000 - In K. R. Stueber & H. H. Kogaler (eds.), Empathy and Agency: The Problem of Understanding in the Human Sciences. Boulder: Westview Press. pp. 222--224.
     
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  42.  34
    Kant, Madison and the Problem of Transnational Order: Popular Sovereignty in Multilevel Systems.James Bohman - 2013 - In Andreas Niederberger & Philipp Schink (eds.), Republican democracy: liberty, law and politics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
    Although eighteenth-century Federalists, including James Madison, have been associated with the very contemporary idea of a transnational political order, the argument that the modern state with its centralised authority and supreme power poses a threat to liberty was already a subject of discussions during the period. The American Constitution was intended to establish a new political order, rather than a loose federation or an enlarged state. The Framers were not alone in their preoccupation with a transnational order; the German philosopher (...)
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  43. Formal pragmatics and social criticism: The philosophy of language and the critique of ideology in Habermas's theory of communicative action.James F. Bohman - 1986 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 11 (4):331-353.
  44.  52
    Citizenship and Norms of Publicity.James Bohman - 1999 - Political Theory 27 (2):176-202.
  45.  22
    Constitution Making and Democratic Innovation.James Bohman - 2004 - European Journal of Political Theory 3 (3):315-337.
    The European Union stands before a constitutional moment. While some deny the need for a constitution and others want a familiar federal form, I argue that one of the main goals of the constitutional convention ought to be to make the European Union more democratic. The central question is: what sort of democracy is suggested by some of the more novel aspects of European integration? This question demands a normative standard by which to evaluate the realization of democracy in transnational (...)
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  46.  23
    (2 other versions)The globalization of the public sphere.James Bohman - 1998 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 24 (2-3):199-216.
  47.  30
    Beyond Distributive Justice and Struggles for Recognition.James Bohman - 2007 - European Journal of Political Theory 6 (3):267-276.
    This article argues that a theory of recognition cannot provide the comprehensive basis for a critical theory or a conception of social justice. In this respect, I agree with Fraser's impulse to include more in such a theory, such as distributive justice and participatory parity. Fraser does not go far enough, to the extent that methodologically she seeks a theory of the same sort as Honneth's. Both Honneth's and Fraser's comprehensive theories cannot account for a central phenomenon of contemporary societies: (...)
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  48. Ethics as moral inquiry: Dewey and the moral psychology of social reform.James Bohman - 2010 - In Molly Cochran (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Dewey. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  49.  86
    A response to my critics: Democracy across Borders.James Bohman - 2010 - Ethics and Global Politics 3 (1):71-84.
    It is a special privilege for me to have my book, Democracy across borders, discussed by insightful critics, all of whom in one way or another have contributed to emerging thinking about democracy, globalization, and international institutions. But it is also a privilege to have it discussed in this particular journal, which I see as a very good example of a transnational (rather than international) space for reflection and communication on matters of global politics. It is transnational, at least in (...)
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  50. Critical theory and democracy.James Bohman - 1996 - In David M. Rasmussen (ed.), Handbook of critical theory. Cambridge: Blackwell. pp. 190--215.
     
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