The paper offers an analysis of the interview data collected in the project "Politics and everyday life: Three years later" in terms of three main topics: attitudes to the political sphere, change of social system, and the democratic public sphere. The analysis focuses on ambivalences expressed in the responses which, under the surface of overall disappointment and discontent, may contain preserved results of the previously achieved "social learning" and their positive potentials. The main objective was to examine to what extent (...) the processes of political maturation of citizens, identified in the 2002 study, have continued. After pointing to a number of shifts in people?s views of politics which generally do not contradict the tendencies outlined in 2002, it is argued that the process of rationalization of political culture has not stopped, but it manifests itself differently in changed circumstances. The republican euphoria of 2002 has been replaced by resignation, with a stronger individualist orientation and a commitment to professional achievement. Clanak analizira gradju dobijenu intervjuima u okviru istrazivanja "Politika i svakodnevni zivot - tri godine posle" u pogledu tri krupne teme: odnos prema politici, promena drustvenog poretka i demokratska javnost. Analiza se usredsredjuje na ambivalencije izrazene u iskazima ispitanika koje, ispod opste atmosfere razocaranosti i nezadovoljstva, mogu kriti ocuvane rezultate prethodnog "socijalnog ucenja" i njihove pozitivne potencijale. Osnovni cilj je ispitati u kojoj meri su procesi politickog sazrevanja gradjana, uoceni u istrazivanju iz 2002, nastavljeni i u kasnijem razdoblju. Posle izdvajanja jednog broja pomaka u odnosu na stavove prema politickoj sferi iz 2002, koji u osnovi ne protivrece tada ocrtanim tendencijama, zakljucuje se da proces racionalizovanja politicke kulture nije prekinut, ali se u novim uslovima ocituje na drugaciji nacin. Republikansku euforiju iz neposredno postpetooktobarskog razdoblja zamenila je rezignacija, uz narastanje individualizma i okretanje profesionalnom postignucu. (shrink)

Rather than being just abstract notions scholars write about, patriotism and cosmopolitanism are used by social actors in ongoing social life. Whether employed to name?us? and exalt the values of one?s own group, or to name?them? and stigmatize what the opponents stand for, the two terms have long served as potent discursive weapons in the struggle for various kinds of power in Serbia. While they retain some significance to this day, the peak of their intensive and consequential employment in public (...) discourse occurred between 2005 and 2010. In this paper we aim to reconstruct the symbolic battles over the foundations of Serbian political community, based on critical discourse analysis of the discursive material produced by intellectuals and made public via Pescanik and Nova srpska politicka misao media outlets. (shrink)

This paper examines different forms in which?Third Serbia? is being discursively constructed. This concept has recently been offered within the public arena as the alternative to the former division into?First? and?Second? Serbia. Although the name is the same,?Third Serbia? is not one but many. They all share an explicit call for overcoming cleavages and extremes, which are perceived as overdrawn, artificial, and/or removed from genuine concerns and interests of Serbian society. There is also a moral claim contained in this, since (...) what is offered is presented as better and more correct than the previous dichotomy. The various facets of?Third Serbia?, their similarities and divergences, will be explored based on the analysis of a corpus of texts from daily and weekly press in which this signifier is found. (shrink)

Tekst je posvecen dometima teorijskog opusa Bruna Latura i njegovom odnosu prema savremenom pojmu kritike. U prvom delu je prikazana teorija aktera-mreze, preko svojih kljucnih pojmova, zajedno s teorijom modernosti. U drugom delu se razmatraju razliciti aspekti Laturovog odnosa prema kritici - najpre njegov kriticki tretman drugih, potom kriticki tretman kojem je sam podvrgnut, da bi se zakljucilo politickim ambivalencijama Laturovog pokusaja razvijanja jedne "akriticne" drustvene teorije..

Nijedno drustvo, pogotovo ono koje, poput Srbije, u kratkom razdoblju proslo kroz duboke potrese koji jos uvek traju, ne moze se adekvatno analizirati bez pogleda iz ugla svakodnevnog zivota i iskustva obicnih ljudi. Primena savremenih socioloskih i antropoloskih teorija svakodnevice na Srbiju danas u potrazi za personalizovanim tumacenjem kojim obicni ljudi osmisljavaju samima sebi sve sto im se dogodi u poslednjih petnaestak godina, moze imati i sire teorijske implikacije, buduci da se iz nase perspektive lakse sagledava ogranicenost i neuniverzalnost teorija (...) nastalih u stabilnim drustvima. U ovom nacrtu markiraju se neke od tih teorija, polazne pretpostavke, kao i kljucni dogadjaji i simbolicki optereceni pojmovi nase najnovije istorije koji ce biti u zizi analize naracija obicnih ljudi prikupljenih tematskim terenskim istrazivanjem. (shrink)

U ovom radu ispituju se uticaji feministicke misli na sociolosku teoriju i istrazivanje, prelomljeni kroz poimanje podrucja svakodnevnog zivota. Obrazlaze se teza da izmedju feminizma i sociologije svakodnevnog zivota, onako kako se ona razvija u drugoj polovini XX veka, postoje bitne teorijske srodnosti. Glavni doprinosi feminizma socioloskoj konceptualizaciji svakodnevice identifikuju se u dve oblasti: sadrzajnih inovacija (proucavanje ranije zanemarenih drustvenih fenomena, posebno sfere privatnosti) i epistemoloskih pomeranja (osporavanje pozitivistickih ideala objektivne i neutralne nauke o drustvu). Za podrobniji kriticki prikaz odabrano (...) je teorijsko stanoviste feministicke teoreticarke Doroti Smit. U zakljucnom delu rada ukazuje se na odredjene sporne tacke u feministickoj zamisli sociologije svakodnevnog zivota. (shrink)

The paper contains a retrospective of the thesis that 'social learning' may be deployed as analytical framework to understand political change in Serbia, first proposed in 2001. The thesis contends that the events immediately before and after the toppling of Milosevic's regime in 2000 may be interpreted as outcomes of a process of collective learning by Serbian citizens. On the basis of the findings of three-wave qualitative study 'Politics and Everyday Life', as well as other research, the paper seeks to (...) answer the question whether the idea of 'social learning' stands or falls when confronted with the developments taking place in Serbian political life between 2001 and 2008. U clanku se izlaze retrospektivan pogled na tezu o 'socijalnom ucenju' kao analitickom okviru za razmatranje politickih promena u Srbiji, prvi put iznetu 2001. godine. Prema toj tezi, dogadjaji neposredno pre i posle smene Milosevicevog rezima 2000. godine mogu se protumaciti kao ishod jednog procesa kolektivnog ucenja, ciji su subjekt gradjani Srbije. Na osnovu nalaza tri talasa kvalitativne studije 'Politika i svakodnevni zivot', te rezultata drugih istrazivanja, u tekstu se pokusava odgovoriti na pitanje da li ideja 'socijalnog ucenja' opstaje ukoliko se suceli sa zbivanjima koja su obelezila politicki zivot u Srbiji u razdoblju od 2001. do 2008. godine. (shrink)

This paper examines different forms in which?Third Serbia? is being discursively constructed. This concept has recently been offered within the public arena as the alternative to the former division into?First? and?Second? Serbia. Although the name is the same,?Third Serbia? is not one but many. They all share an explicit call for overcoming cleavages and extremes, which are perceived as overdrawn, artificial, and/or removed from genuine concerns and interests of Serbian society. There is also a moral claim contained in this, since (...) what is offered is presented as better and more correct than the previous dichotomy. The various facets of?Third Serbia?, their similarities and divergences, will be explored based on the analysis of a corpus of texts from daily and weekly press in which this signifier is found. (shrink)