Can global justice simply be seen as social justice writ large? According to Miller it cannot. Seen from the viewpoint of justice there are fundamental differences between the national and international sphere. Just like Nagel he strongly rejects monism. Yet unlike Nagel, Miller does not confine duties of justice to sovereign states. Different forms of human association require different principles of justice. Strangely enough, however, Miller does not replace Nagel’s dualism with a multi‐level ethical position, but with a split‐level one. (...) In this article we argue that – contrary to Miller’s own claims – his contextualist view of justice contains the necessary tools for accepting the importance of multiple contexts of justice beyond the nation‐state. Even if one is committed to seeing nation‐states as the privileged sites of social justice, there is no reason not to recognize substantial amounts of social justice above the nation‐state level. (shrink)

This article studies an aspect of the relation between emotions and ethics that is usually neglected in the recent debate on moral emotions. By focusing on the contributions of common or everyday emotions to the development of moral behaviours and attitudes, the debate loses sight of the emotional side of the ethical attitude and the way it involves different, specifically ethical emotions. In contrast, such emotions play an important role in Aristotle’s and Heidegger’s thought. As will be shown, both authors (...) identify emotions that are intrinsically tied to ethics in a broad sense and are structurally different from everyday emotions. Moreover, both characterize the two kinds of emotion in a similar fashion: whereas everyday emotions involve a limited form of activity and refer to a more immediate objective domain, the properly ethical emotions result from a superior form of activity and open up to a vaster domain or even to the entire reality, thus having a metaphysical character. The study of this distinction and what it involves will allow for a better understanding not only of emotions in general, but also of the emotional dimension of ethical life. (shrink)

Here we discuss a “chromosome separation checkpoint” that might regulate the anaphase‐telophase transition. The concept of cell cycle checkpoints was originally proposed to account for extrinsic control mechanisms that ensure the order of cell cycle events. Several checkpoints have been shown to regulate major cell cycle transitions, namely at G1‐S and G2‐M. At the onset of mitosis, the prophase‐prometaphase transition is controlled by several potential checkpoints, including the antephase checkpoint, while the spindle assembly checkpoint guards the metaphase‐anaphase transition. Our hypothesis (...) is based on the recently uncovered feedback control mechanism that delays chromosome decondensation and nuclear envelope reassembly until effective separation of sister chromatids during anaphase is achieved. A central player in this potential checkpoint is the establishment of a constitutive, midzone‐based Aurora B phosphorylation gradient that monitors the position of chromosomes along the spindle axis. We propose that this surveillance mechanism represents an additional step towards ensuring mitotic fidelity. (shrink)

Originalmente tese de mestrado do autor, este texto faz um diagnóstico da edição digital desde os seus primórdios, focando-se no ebook e nas duas tentativas de criação de um mercado, uma em 1999, falhada, e a mais recente em 2010, ao que tudo indica, fazendo fé nas sucessivas estatísticas, bem sucedida. As razões subjacentes quer ao malogro inicial, quer ao êxito presente são trazidas à liça, dando importância ao contexto italiano, mas cujos argumentos são transversalmente válidos; pelo meio,...

Pretende-se nesse artigo articular as noções de ética e política às noções do Dizer e do Dito, em uma perspectiva muito sutil apresentada por Emmanuel Levinas, para demonstrar como o sentido do humano se inicia na ética e necessariamente se dirige à política, uma vez que, para esse autor, a filosofia tem que ir ao fato social. Essa articulação se torna possível pela noção de justiça presente em dois momentos do humano: o momento inicial do frente a frente do Eu (...) e do Outro ou ética e o momento em que a pluralidade se torna real pela presença do Terceiro, ou política. A preocupação levinasiana é, não só a de afirmar a primazia da ética em relação à política, no que diz respeito à ordem do acontecimento, mas também de demonstrar que a presença do Dizer original do frente a frente que se inscreve como exigência de justificativas para um Eu absoluto, deve permanecer na relação política, quando em sua impostação institucional a partir da Lei e do Estado pretenderem absolutizar-se em relação as demandantes da própria justiça. Assim, o Dito da Lei está sob os auspícios de um novo Dizer que pode destituir a razoabilidade daquele, exatamente pela presença de Terceiros, diferentes e não incluídos na ordem jurídica. A ordem politico-jurídica que em sua demora tem feições ontológicas, quando não se abre para o Dizer perene, pode tornar-se ordem violenta, tal qual a ordem que prepondera no fenômeno da guerra. O sentido do humano, segundo Levinas está na démarche da relação dual do frente a frente à multiplicidade das relações políticas alicerçadas na noção de justiça como exigência de justificação para a ação. (shrink)

Education aims at the integral development of the person. However, there are few proposals that conceptualize ways to implement this desideratum. In the Portuguese context, we had the paradigmatic case of the Manuel Ferreira Patrício Cultural School. MFP differentiates itself by advocating for integral education that establishes an essential connection between the teaching, extra-lecture, interactive and ecological components of the school, highlighting the multidimensionalities of education: personality, culture, methodologies, curriculum, resources, educators, and pedagogical organization.

Selon Damásio, le moi conscient se crée à partir de la capacité du cerveau à raconter, c’est-à-dire à transformer en récit les signaux et messages produits par ses diverses couches. Les mythes donnent au monde une cohérence significative qui provient de l’organisation des éléments que ses récits produisent. Les rapports au monde de toutes les espèces vivantes sont contenus dans les limites de leurs possibilités phylogénétiques qui résultent déjà d’une relation continuée pendant des millions d’années. La capacité humaine de créer (...) des récits sur le réel doit intégrer ces éléments phylogénétiques qui se manifestent même dans les parties non conscientes du cerveau intégrées pourtant dans le récit qui construit un moi. Ce dépôt venu du fond des âges est une des causes de l’excès de sens que nous poursuivons toujours et qui est, au niveau de l’imaginaire « premier » la voix de ce fonds dans ces rapports avec le texte du monde. Un récit est ainsi une façon de donner à voir l’invisible, et cette invisibilité produit un excès de sens qui cherche toujours à se manifester. Il est marqué par les cohérences et consistances des images de cet imaginaire premier qui médiatise toujours nos relations au monde et aux autres, et auquel s’ajoute les cohérences des imaginaires « seconds » des individus et des cultures. According to Damásio, the self-conscious arises from the ability of the brain to tell, i.e. turn into a story the signals and messages produced by its various layers. Myths give the world a significant consistency that comes from the organization of the elements produced by its stories. The relationships of all living species with the world are contained within the limits of their phylogenetic opportunities resulting from a relationship continued for millions of years. The human ability to create stories about reality must incorporate these phylogenetic elements into the narrative that builds self-awareness. This unknown repository coming from the depths of time is one of the causes of the excess of meaning that we always pursue and is, at the level of the basic imaginary, one that Gilbert Durand considered the heritage of sapiens, the voice of these assets in their links with the text of the world. A narrative is thus a means of seeing the invisible, and this invisibility produces an excess of meaning which always seeks to manifest itself. It is marked by the coherence and consistency of the images of this basic imaginary which always mediates our relationship to the world and to others, and to which is added the coherences of the secondary imaginary coming from individuals and cultures. (shrink)

Fernando Gil estabeleceu uma seminal relação filosófica entre a evidência e a alucinação. Como acentua no Tratado da Evidência, “sem por isso ser, a alucinação não é uma representação, o seu conteúdo é uma coisa-em-si”. As representações da alucinação como evidência e da evidência como alucinação tendem a manifestar-se, em termos literários, no que habitualmente se caracteriza como o fantástico. M. Teixeira-Gomes representou os processos literários da evidência alucinatória em termos que parecem mais próximos do pensamento filosófico de Fernando Gil (...) do que da literatura fantástica propriamente dita, situando no mesmo plano de significação o factual, o mítico e o alucinatório como manifestações complementares daquilo que caracterizou como o seu “teatro da alma”. (shrink)

To respond to globalization‐related challenges, many contemporary political theorists have argued for forms of democracy beyond the level of the nation‐state. Since the early 1990s, however, political theory has also witnessed a renewed normative defense of nationhood. Liberal nationalists have been influential in claiming that the state should protect and promote national identities, and that it is desirable that the boundaries of national and political units coincide. At first glance, both positions—global democracy and nationalism—seem to contradict each other. We do (...) not share this oppositional picture. Developing a more harmonic picture of nationalist ideals and cosmopolitan visions is the aim of this essay. (shrink)

By Portuguese myths we mean several kinds of narratives, all of which actualize fundamental aspects of the Portuguese national imagination. Some are foundation narratives (Sâo Mamede, Ourique); others are historical facts that were sung so often over the years by Portuguese and foreign poets that they came to signify basic schemes of the human imagination (Inês de Castro's pure love, whose realization was frustrated by a fight between two men, father and son); other so-called Portuguese myths, on the contrary, are (...) built around concepts that give metaphysical shape to supposed characteristics that define the national soul (saudosismo, the doctrine of nostalgia, which attempts to define the Portuguese national soul as the search for a mythical initial unity that would create a wholeness in which contraries would be abolished; the Fifth Empire as its realization on Earth); other Portuguese myths express the supposed divine predestination of the people and of the Portuguese Man, based upon divine intervention in the founding of the nation in Ourique (the Fifth Empire that would be the Age of Spirit announced by Joachim de Fiore); still others are based on historically negative facts (King Sebastian and the defeat at Alcazarquibir) but transformed through archetypal elements to show the capacity for renewal out of the defeat, a renewal that goes beyond real historical renewal to include spiritual renewal of the Portuguese Man and his fatherland, which should produce the Fifth Empire conceived either in earthly or spiritual terms. To these myths I will add a legend preceding the formation of the nation, King Roderick's Legend, because it attempts to justify the loss of Visigothic Spain to the Arabs. (shrink)

Abstract: To respond to globalization-related challenges, many contemporary political theorists have argued for forms of democracy beyond the level of the nation-state. Since the early 1990s, however, political theory has also witnessed a renewed normative defense of nationhood. Liberal nationalists have been influential in claiming that the state should protect and promote national identities, and that it is desirable that the boundaries of national and political units coincide. At first glance, both positions—global democracy and nationalism—seem to contradict each other. We (...) do not share this oppositional picture. Developing a more harmonic picture of nationalist ideals and cosmopolitan visions is the aim of this essay. (shrink)

Capítulo 9 do livro de Donald Davidson Subjective, Intersubjective, Objective. Oxford University Press, 2001. Tradução de Helder Buenos Aires de Carvalho, realizada originalmente para o Portal Brasileiro da Filosofia/CEFA.

This book provides the first extensive assessment of Hadot’s and Foucault’s interpretations of ancient philosophy. It brings together specialists in ancient thought, as well as Hadot and Foucault scholars, both to explore famous criticisms and clarify Hadot’s and Foucault’s accounts.

Editorial 10 anos da Pensando - Revista de Filosofia.

Editorial Vol. 9, n.17, 2018 - Pensando: Revista de Filosofia.

Nota Bibliográfica: ROUARD, Christophe. La vérité chez Alasdair MacIntyre. Paris: L’Harmattan, 2011. 254p. ISBN 978-2-296-54736-0.

A revista Revue Internationale de Philosophie publicou recentemente um número dedicado à filosofia de Alasdair MacIntyre, incluindo artigo dele respondendo às críticas apresentadas no volume por Vincent Descombes, John Rist, Ronald Beiner e James Bernard Murphy.

O artigo discute a relação entre verdade e moralidade na ética das virtudes de Alasdair MacIntyre, apontando para a tensão entre o realismo metafísico-teológico pressuposto em sua virada tomista a partir de Three Rival Versions of Moral Enquiry, e a matriz, a nosso ver, claramente hermenêutico-pragmática de seu modelo da racionalidade das tradições morais de pesquisa racional, explicitado anteriormente em Depois da Virtude e em Justiça de Quem? Qual Racionalidade?.

O artigo busca explicitar, a partir da perspectiva da ética da responsabilidade de Hans Jonas, em um diálogo com a ética das virtudes, que virtudes morais são necessárias como componentes da afirmação jonasiana de cuidado pela vida e pela manutenção da existência da humanidade, mesmo em um futuro próximo, diante da ameaça trazida pela emergência climática — produzida pela própria humanidade em seu modus operandi de intensivo uso das tecnologias como correia de transmissão do capitalismo global —; bem como pelas (...) questões postas pela emergência da pandemia da Covid-19, especialmente pela lida requerida diante de um problema global que ameaça diretamente a vida diante de nossos olhos no presente e em futuros próximos. A pandemia da Covid-19 é um mote para defender a necessidade urgente do cultivo de certas virtudes que dão cumprimento ao princípio responsabilidade, mas também de obtenção de compreensão prévia concreta das enormes dificuldades envolvidas no enfrentamento ético da emergência climática. (shrink)

In this article, we examine how language and linguistic membership might feature in luck egalitarianism, what a luck-egalitarian theory of linguistic justice would look like, and, finally, what the emphasis on language teaches us about the validity of standard luck-egalitarian assumptions. We show that belonging to one language group rather than another is a morally arbitrary feature and that where membership of a specific linguistic group affects individual chances, the effects of such bad brute luck ought to be neutralized on (...) the luck-egalitarian view. We assess two ways of redressing those kinds of unjustified inequalities: the ‘universal language’ option and the ‘linguistic advantages for all’ option. But we also argue, in the second part, that exploring luck egalitarianism through the lens of language exposes some difficulties intrinsic in many existent luck-egalitarian theories. We argue that treating circumstances one identifies with as choices is problematic. In addition, we argue that the linguistic preconditions of both the capacity to be responsible as well the exercise of responsibility complicate the idea of individual responsibility on which most luck-egalitarian theories rely. We conclude by suggesting the need to develop a luck-egalitarian theory of justice which is less reliant on causal features of the distinction between choice and circumstance and which is more sensitive to the idea of collective cooperation as opposed to individual responsibility. (shrink)

Fruto da colaboração de quatro autores com ligação à Universidade de Salamanca (José-Antonio Cordón-García, Julio Alonso-Arévalo, Raquel Gómez-Díaz, Daniel Linder), Social Reading: platforms, applications, clouds and tags pretende fazer a defesa do conceito e, principalmente, das práticas de leitura social em ambiente digital. E fá-lo apresentando, além da necessária contextualização teórica, efectuada sobretudo no primeiro capítulo, uma série de conselhos e recomendações de plataformas, disp...

Leyendo entre pantallas é uma espécie de livro-guia destinado a ajudar os leitores/utilizadores assoberbados pela complexidade que define a leitura em contexto digital. Subjacente à sua criação está a ideia de as novas tecnologias possuírem, face ao livro tradicional, um problema de mediação: são necessários mais passos para um leitor alcançar aquilo que, em última análise, pretende – o texto. No ambiente digital, a proliferação de dispositivos, sistemas operativos, aplicações ou formatos de...

The classical account of federalism is bipartite. Federal systems are understood to have a dual nature: on the one hand, there is the central government, and on the other hand, there are the constituent units. We argue instead for a tripartite model of federalism. In this model, a third institutional pillar is added to federal systems. This third pillar deals exclusively with matters related to the institutional architecture of the system. We argue for tripartite federalism on three grounds: a tripartite (...) structure would be better suited to accommodate political communities where citizens might currently feel misrecognized by the central government, it would provide a more efficient way to adjust the federal architecture and it would be able to do so in a more democratic manner. We conclude our article with a reflection on the distance between our ideal-typical tripartite model and actual reality. (shrink)

Abstract: Does democracy or popular sovereignty imply exclusion and drawing borders? And if so, what type of exclusion and borders, and what kind of justification can we give for them? Moreover, if democracy really requires some kind of exclusion, is global democracy then a paradoxical union of two contradictory ideals? Can we create a demos on the global level? The focus of this collection of essays is on this potential conflict and its underlying values.

© © Cambridge University Press 2015. Long-term immigrants often have the option but not the obligation to acquire citizenship in their state of residence. Contrary to the received wisdom, this article defends the idea of mandatory citizenship for immigrants. It suggests that the current asymmetry in the distribution of political obligations between native-born citizens and immigrants is unfair. It also argues that mandatory citizenship is required by the principle that those who persistently affect others should share a democratic setting. Finally, (...) it claims that mandatory citizenship is more compatible with the ideal of democratic equality and more conducive to a stable society. (shrink)

© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. Within the umbrella of equal recognition, several principles of linguistic justice can be distinguished. A first, the per-capita principle, mandates prorating language recognition based on a per-capita distribution. A second, the equal-services principle, prescribes upholding the official languages as the languages in which the state speaks and in which public services are provided, irrespective of changing numbers of speakers. Alan Patten defends the prorated per-capita principle. I argue for the (...) equal-services principle, which practically will often amount to a form of linguistic maximin: the more vulnerable the language, the more numerous the resources. (shrink)

The essays in this book explore the consequences of globalization for democracy, covering issues which include whether democracy implies exclusion or borders, and whether it is possible to create a democracy on a global level. Explores the consequences of globalization for democracy Discusses whether democracy implies exclusion or boundaries Makes sense of democracy and human rights in a globalizing world Investigates what kind of common identity can and should support forms of global democracy Presents a state-of-the-art analysis of the foundations (...) of global democracy. (shrink)

The essays in this book explore the consequences of globalization for democracy, covering issues which include whether democracy implies exclusion or borders, and whether it is possible to create a democracy on a global level. Explores the consequences of globalization for democracy Discusses whether democracy implies exclusion or boundaries Makes sense of democracy and human rights in a globalizing world Investigates what kind of common identity can and should support forms of global democracy Presents a state-of-the-art analysis of the foundations (...) of global democracy. (shrink)

Can global justice simply be seen as social justice writ large? According to Miller it cannot. Seen from the viewpoint of justice there are fundamental differences between the national and international sphere. Just like Nagel he strongly rejects monism. Yet unlike Nagel, Miller does not confine duties of justice to sovereign states. Different forms of human association require different principles of justice. Strangely enough, however, Miller does not replace Nagel’s dualism with a multi‐level ethical position, but with a split‐level one. (...) In this article we argue that – contrary to Miller’s own claims – his contextualist view of justice contains the necessary tools for accepting the importance of multiple contexts of justice beyond the nation‐state. Even if one is committed to seeing nation‐states as the privileged sites of social justice, there is no reason not to recognize substantial amounts of social justice above the nation‐state level. (shrink)

Does democracy or popular sovereignty imply exclusion and drawing borders? And if so, what type of exclusion and borders, and what kind of justification can we give for them? Moreover, if democracy really requires some kind of exclusion, is global democracy then a paradoxical union of two contradictory ideals? Can we create a demos on the global level? The focus of this collection of essays is on this potential conflict and its underlying values.

This chapter contains sections titled: The Chapters Acknowledgments References.

In this essay, I develop a critique of the linguistic territoriality principle, which states that, for reasons related to the value of language identity, language groups should be territorially accommodated. While I acknowledge the desirability of implementing a linguistic territoriality principle in some specific cases, I claim that this principle is in general inappropriate for the 'post-Westphalian' linguistic world in which we live. I identify, analyze and reject two distinct justifications for the linguistic territoriality principle: the Linguistic Context justification and (...) the Language Survival justification. Finally, I argue for different means of giving political recognition to the fact that most people value their language as an importance source of identity. This alternative theory sets out to officially recognize multiple languages in a given territory. (shrink)

O texto apresenta um mapeamento exploratório inicial da realidade do ensino de filosofia no ensino fundamental e médio na rede de ensino público e privado de Teresina/PI, realizado no ano de 2000, objetivando disponibilizar dados para a organização dessa área de saber como o campo de atuação dos profissionais de filosofia e servir de subsídios à projeção das atividades da universidade na formação desses profissionais e na formulação de políticas de atuação do Departamento de Filosofia/UFPI junto ao ensino básico. O (...) resultado da pesquisa se apresenta na forma de diagnóstico exploratório de natureza quantitativa, especificando aspectos capazes de configurar a realidade da prática pedagógica do ensino de filosofia, tais como: a presença da disciplina no currículo escolar, a carga-horária conferida ao trabalho didático-pedagógico de filosofia, a formação acadêmica dos professores e professoras que ministram a disciplina, os conteúdos programáticos que predominam nos programas da disciplina, a bibliografia básica utilizada como apoio ao trabalho docente, a metodologia deste ensino e a recepção da disciplina entre os estudantes. (shrink)

This introduction does three things. We first give an overview of the linguistic justice debate in normative political philosophy. We then situate Philippe Van Parijs’s position within it, by zooming in on Van Parijs’s two major normative claims: the support of the rise of English as the global lingua franca and the defence of linguistic territoriality. Finally, we clarify how each of the essays that follow this introduction relates to those two claims.

© 2014, © 2014 Association for the Study of Nationalities. This article develops a linguistic injustice test. Language policy measures passing the test conflict with the normative ideal of equal language recognition. The first part of the test checks for external restrictions – language policies that grant more recognition to one language group than to another. The second part of the test checks for internal restrictions – language policies that grant more recognition to some members of a language group than (...) to other members of the same group. The article then applies the linguistic injustice test to two models of linguistic justice: linguistic territoriality and linguistic pluralism. It is argued that real-life cases of linguistic territoriality tend to pass the test. It is argued that instantiations of linguistic pluralism tend to fail the test. (shrink)