This chapter contains sections titled: Odysseus's Iron Soul Socrates' Wild Claim The Treasure Parable How Socrates Teaches the World The Incommensurable Objection Socrates Restates the Absurdity Augustine's Tormented Decision The Brute‐Desire Objection Further Reading.

Although Galileo's venture into theology, as discussed by McMullin, is limited to Galileo's exegesis of Scripture, it can be seen as an important element in a broader role in theology, namely in ecclesiology and in the development of doctrine. From the Council of Trent, the Reformation Council, until today there has been a development in the Church concerning the manner in which Sacred Scripture should be interpreted and as to whether it can be said to be in conflict with our (...) scientific knowledge of nature. Galileo made a significant contribution to this development. With his telescopic observations he was, in fact, undermining the prevailing Aristotelian natural philosophy of his day and was defending the birth of modern science against a mistaken view of Scripture. The Church of his time was not prepared to accept his contribution to this theological development. What does this history have to contribute to the challenges we face today in the interactions between science and religious belief? (shrink)

A quest for meaning characterizes the thought of this century everywhere in humanistic studies, and it is a quest justified by exploring and mapping old and new terrains of which the resources are still uncertain. The Monastery of Escorial today raises so many questions about the traditional ideas with which we treat the history of art in the sixteenth century, that they are the subject of this paper. It is in four parts: the Escorial as Mannerism; as estilo desornamentado, as (...) Renaissance magic; and as an application of the aesthetic system of Saint Augustine. (shrink)

Avant-propos.--Saint Thomas d'Aquin, sa mission intellectuelle.--Saint Augustin, éducateur idéal.--La physionomie de Saint Français d'Assise.--Un grand coeur, Saint Albert le Grand.--Les thomistes et saint Augustin.

AUGUSTINE WISHED TO DEFEND AND MAKE AS INTELLIGIBLE AS POSSIBLE THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY. I SHOW HOW AUGUSTINE WORKS WITH AN ARISTOTELIAN MODEL OF PREDICATION, DERIVES AN INCOMPLETENESS RESULT WITHIN THE STANDARD FORMS OF PREDICATION, AND ACCEPTS, WITH SOME QUALIFICATION, A NONSTANDARD FORM OF PREDICATION USED BY ARISTOTLE FOR PREDICATING PRIMARY SUBSTANCE OF MATTER.

* With a Latin text and a facing-page translation of the Rule, Regulations for a Monastery, and Letter 211 The Rule of Augustine, very likely the oldest monastic rule with western origins, provides daily inspiration for more than 150 Christian communities. In giving an account of Augustine's distinctive contributions to the monastic spirituality of the late Roman world, and in particular of his achievement as a monastic legislator, Augustine of Hippo and his Monastic Rule fills a long-standing gap in Augustinian (...) studies. (shrink)

What is time? Is time real, or a mere illusion? We seem to feel the passage of time in our consciousness but are doomed to encounter great difficulty when trying to get a deeper grip on the nature of time. As Augustine famously remarked, "if no one asks me about what time is, I know what it is, but if I wish to explain it to him who asks, I do not know". The present essay does not aim so much (...) at giving a complete answer to this intricate and difficult question as to focus on Zhuangzi to excavate the idea of time inherent in his philosophical writings. A second aim is to show how it relates to some of the contemporary concerns about time. More specifically, our concern is not about... (shrink)

Excerpt from Augustin Hurelius Huguftinus wurbe am 15. Rovember 554 geboren. Seine Dater ftabt war Chagafte in Rumibien, heute Souf=flhras im norblichen Gieile ber fran 3öfifchen provin3 Conftantine. Don ber alten Stabt finb nur wenige Erummer ubrig geblieben. Rus ber ein3igen er haltenen 3nfchrift erfahren wir, baß fie bie Rechte eines romifchen muni3ipiums befaß. Hm Riebfcherba, bem hauptftrom Rorbafrilas gelegen, beffen breites @hal 3uerft phoni3ifcher Kolonifation unb fvater romifcher Kultur ben 5uga'ng öffnete, ift ber O)rt auch heute wieber ein (...) nicht unwichtiger hanbelsplaß. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works. (shrink)

This thematic study focuses especially on the role that suffering plays in the practice of philosophy. It identifies and interprets the basic structures and possibilities related to the experience of suffering; and, it examines some of the significant historical contributions that have influenced our thinking about this issue. ;It begins by developing a preliminary definition of suffering. After which, it seeks and examines those same basic structures in the contributions of Plato, Augustine, Spinoza, Nietzsche, and Heidegger---each in their own chapters. (...) ;The study of Plato centers on suffering conceived in terms of eros, with particular attention paid to that suffering at the crucial intersection of the sensible and the intelligible. ;The study of Augustine focuses on suffering conceived in terms of the tension between the human and the divine. The role of suffering in Christianity is summarized, and Augustine's personal example is employed as an illustration. The contrast between the sufferings of Job and those of Jesus are explored briefly with respect to the question of results. ;The studies of Spinoza and Nietzsche are combined in the same chapter because they both naturalize suffering. In Spinoza, the focus is on his analysis of how human beings rise above their passivity through an increase in their active power of understanding. In Nietzsche, the call for an even greater suffering is analyzed. ;The study of Heidegger examines suffering in both his earlier works and later works . Heidegger's insensitivity to the suffering of the Holocaust is also discussed. ;The conclusion examines the contemporary perspective of James R. Watson's Between Auschwitz and Tradition, and then speculates on what is called for today in terms of thinking and suffering. It argues that thought needs to acknowledge its bodily dwelling, confront its limitations, and open itself to that which is 'other.' In the face of all the resistances, thinking today needs to be suffering. (shrink)

The goal of this paper is to show that Augustine’s Confessions, understood “sub specie dubitationis”, constitute a substantive argument for the philosophical position that may be described as “Augustinian skepticism”. The point is that, according to Augustine’s conversion narrative, what human beings can know becomes thematic only within the horizon of what they must believe, and therefore a doxic attitude other than rationality plays the primary and ultimate role in their quest for answers to questions about the meaning of life (...) and death. An explication of the text of the Confessions suggests that a failure to understand Augustinianskepticism makes it impossible to account for a long list of big philosophical topics in Augustine’s thought. (shrink)

In this paper I examine one line of argument against the claim that (some) suicide may be morally legitimate. This argument appeals to a putative moral principle that it is never licit to assault an innocent human life. I consider some related arguments in St. Augustine and St. Thomas, and I explore two possible senses of “innocent.” I argue that in one sense the putative moral principle is very implausible, and in neither sense is it true that all suicides assault (...) an innocent life. So this line of argument fails to establish the desired universal prohibition of suicide. (shrink)

Auto : le moi. Bio : la vie. Graphie : l'écriture. Tels sont en effet les trois axes autour desquels s'organise la matière de l'autobiographie? genre littéraire protéiforme, aussi infiniment varié que l'est son inépuisable sujet, l'homme. Telles sont les pistes qu'explore Georges Gusdorf dans ce deuxième volet des lignes de vie, après l'enquête plus historique des Ecritures du moi. Ecrire sur soi, c'est parier sur sa propre survie et la survie de l'espèce, c'est tenter de préserver de la mort (...) la part essentielle de son être. Mais de quel être s'agit-il? Le moi insaisissable, tantôt glorifié, tantôt haï, le moi sous-tend toute vocation d'écrivain, sans jamais se révéler en entier dans l'écrit ; C'est qu'il appartient aux incertitudes de la vie, dans ses continuités et ses ruptures, ses fidélités et ses palinodies. Comme il est difficile de lui trouver une unité, et plus encore une raison d'être! La vaste érudition de l'auteur est un guide sûr dans l'immense corpus de la littérature européenne ; sa curiosité, son mordant, son art du questionnement philosophique en font le compagnon hors pair de nos lectures. Amiel et Paul Valéry, Roland Barthes et saint Augustin, Goethe et Michel Leiris, pour n'en cite que quelques-uns, mêlent ici leurs traces, révélant la motivation profonde de toute entreprise autobiographique, la plus modeste comme la plus ambitieuse, la plus secrète comme la plus somptueuse : écrire sa vie, c'est lui donner un sens. (shrink)

Some Christian philosophers, notably Tertullian, have gloried in this absurdity, finding in its very irrationality a sign of the dogma's truth. But most Christian philosophers, following Augustine, have tried to find some reconciliation between reason and revelation. The history of medieval philosophy is the history of the attempt to make the revealed truths rationally intelligible. The attempt was a failure. As we proceed chronologically from Anselm of Canterbury to Abelard, Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and William of Occam, we find the (...) domain of intelligibility relentlessly contracting as standards of logical rigor were raised. Anselm could prove all the dogmas of the Church. Abelard could prove the Trinity but not the Incarnation. Aquinas could prove that God is our beatitude but not that he is a Trinity. Scotus could prove that God exists, but not that he is our beatitude. William of Occam could not prove even that God exists, for without revelation we know only the immediately obvious and what can be inferred from it, the empirical world. As the rational defense of Christian doctrine collapsed, the domain of rational philosophy grew smaller and smaller, leaving dogmatic theology the sole defender of metaphysical truth. The alternatives seem to be to refute William of Occam's positivistic analysis, to accept revelation blindly, or to get along without metaphysics. None of these is easy. (shrink)

Trois parutions récentes sur la rhétorique aristolélicienne et médiévale ont fourni le contenu de cette recension. Il s'agit des livres suivants:Keith V. ERICKSON, Editor.Aristotle: The Classical Heritage of Rhetoric. Metuchen, New-Jersey, The Scarecrow Press, 1974; VIII-315pp. Joseph M. Miller, Michael H. PROSSER & Thomas W. Benson. Editors.Readings in Medieval Rhetoric. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1973; XX-299pp.James J. MURPHY.Rhetoric in the Middle Ages. AHistory of Rhetorical Theory from saint Augustine to the Renaissance. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1974; XIV-395 pp.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:172 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY us," Saint-Simon wrote in 1814. Matching the development of mind of their eighteenthcentury rationalist compatriots with the development of love and action, the Saint-Simonians, Fourier and Comte saw hardly any stop to the inevitability and infinitude of progress and perfectibility. The prospect of the twentieth century, however, shows an "uneasy consensus." Manuel is not concerned to swell the flood of philosophical history but to bear (...) witness to it, and it is as a witness that he reports that man's "urge to place himself in a total time sequence" is undiminished, if anything it continues to grow and magnify. The search for a total meaning of historical existence is an apparently irrepressible drive. In this concluding chapter Manuel shows how the threads of the previously expressed ideas, particularly from French and German sources, are tied and knotted in the more familiar figures, Spengler, Sorokin, Toynbee, and a group of Christian writers and philosophers of history (de Chardin, Niebuhr, Dawson, Tillich, Pope Plus XII, and Pope John XXIII) illustrating and instantiating the vitality and longevity of the archetypal conceptions he began with. The great divide between theorists persists pretty much in the present as it did in older times. There are the progressists among whom are distinguished those still loyal to the French concept of perfectibility, a new school of philosophical life scientists writing cosmic history, and contemporary Marxists. Manuel classes the Christian theologians of history in a special category, which, although progressist in a sense, like Augustine denigrate earthly progress and restrict themselves to spiritual advance. Then there are the non- or anti-progressists, circular theorists, among whom Spengler, Sorokin, and "Toynbee I" are to be found. Having done duty for the Greeks and Romans, the Italians, French and Germans (surprisingly omitting the figure of Schopenhauer in his account) it would be a further service to have Professor Manuel's reading of English and Scottish involvement in philosophies of history of the sort he defines as "pictures of the total meaning of historical existence... (which have) included predictions of things to come as well as a reduction of the whole of the past to an order," for despite their professed empiricism it will not be denied that in figures like Hobbes, Locke, and Hume, as in some of the lesser figures of the English and Scottish Enlightenment (he mentions the "imitative works" of Price, Priestly, Spencer and Buckle), philosophies of history of the sort defined are implicit where they are not explicit and outspoken. Perhaps one day Professor Manuel will turn his illuminating searchlight to this area. While conceding Manuel's point that philosophies of history of the more distinctly speculative type have grown and even multiplied over the recent past, it should be added (what is common knowledge) that many equally responsible philosophers have tried both to discourage this growth and at the same time to make a contribution to the discipline through a more analytic approach. So far has this movement gone, indeed, that it would appear that the tide of speculative philosophies of history has ebbed greatly, and that "theories" of history are now pretty much restricted to poets, novelists, dramatists and their brethren in some of the social sciences, particularly psychology and sociology, especially in the Englishspeaking world. Whether the "analysts" are making a substantial contribution to our knowledge of historical processes (as distinguished from the language and logic of historical discourse) is still somewhat moot, but there is little doubt that the analysts are rapidly displacing the synthesists in philosophy of history. STANLEYM. DAUGERT Western Washington State College Universals: A New Look at an Old Problem. By Farhang Zabeeh. (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1966. Pp. vi -t- 68. $3.15.) In this short analysis of a perennial philosophical problem, Professor Zabeeh has taken upon himself the rather ambitious task of attempting to trace the development of the various attempts to explain the function, meaning, and ontological status of universals from Socrates BOOK REVIEWS 173 (or Plato) to Wittgenstein and Austin. In doing so, he has neglected (pace a few random references) the most fertile field for the analysis of universals, the medieval writers. To some extent, Professor Zabeeh does... (shrink)

Following upon his Soundings in St. Augustine's Imagination, O'Connell is sensitive to the "image-clusters"--images moving on and into each other--found in the discursive language of St. Augustine's classic work. In the Confessions, the overarching image of conversion he finds to be wayfaring, departure, being in the wrong direction or upside down, and return. It is the image of the prodigal rising up and returning to his father. Along the way, the author teases out the meaning of many a controverted passage (...) from the rhetor's terse Latin style. (shrink)

The first English-language publication of a classic French book on the relationship between the development of photography and of the medical category of hysteria. In this classic of French cultural studies, Georges Didi-Huberman traces the intimate and reciprocal relationship between the disciplines of psychiatry and photography in the late nineteenth century. Focusing on the immense photographic output of the Salpetriere hospital, the notorious Parisian asylum for insane and incurable women, Didi-Huberman shows the crucial role played by photography in the invention (...) of the category of hysteria. Under the direction of the medical teacher and clinician Jean-Martin Charcot, the inmates of Salpetriere identified as hysterics were methodically photographed, providing skeptical colleagues with visual proof of hysteria's specific form. These images, many of which appear in this book, provided the materials for the multivolume album Iconographie photographique de la Salpetriere. As Didi-Huberman shows, these photographs were far from simply objective documentation. The subjects were required to portray their hysterical "type"—they performed their own hysteria. Bribed by the special status they enjoyed in the purgatory of experimentation and threatened with transfer back to the inferno of the incurables, the women patiently posed for the photographs and submitted to presentations of hysterical attacks before the crowds that gathered for Charcot's "Tuesday Lectures." Charcot did not stop at voyeuristic observation. Through techniques such as hypnosis, electroshock therapy, and genital manipulation, he instigated the hysterical symptoms in his patients, eventually giving rise to hatred and resistance on their part. Didi-Huberman follows this path from complicity to antipathy in one of Charcot's favorite "cases," that of Augustine, whose image crops up again and again in the Iconographie. Augustine's virtuosic performance of hysteria ultimately became one of self-sacrifice, seen in pictures of ecstasy, crucifixion, and silent cries. (shrink)