Augustine’s interpretation of the parable of the rich man and Lazarus from Lk 16 shows how much the parables of Jesus are open to a variety of interpretations and applications depending upon which part of the parable is emphasised. In Augustine’s writings the second part of the parable only is commented upon (the exception being ep. 157) to illustrate points about the afterlife and the fate of the soul. However, in his homilies we find him engaging with both sections of (...) the parable (this life and the afterlife). We can note the dexterity with which Augustine handled diverse themes in the parable by selectively emphasising either the fate of the rich man in this life or the next or the fate of Lazarus in this life or the next. From these different perspectives Augustine could deal with questions of wealth and poverty either materially or spiritually. This research supports the notion that whatever Augustine had to say about almsgiving is to be understood within a soteriological context to urge his congregation to be rich in humility and poor in pride. (shrink)

The incident at Antioch described in Galatians 2:11–14 features in a number of Augustine’s works: Expositio epistulae ad Galatas, his correspondence with Jerome, De mendacio, Sermo 162C, and in De baptismo contra Donatistas. While a few scholars have seen Augustine’s anti-Donatism as a driving force behind all his comments about this encounter between Peter and Paul, this article argues that, while the idea of Peter’s humility is to be found in his commentary, the sermon, one of the letters, and the (...) treatises, Augustine interpreted the scriptural passage in a variety of different ways, depending upon his situation. In the commentary, Augustine wanted to defend the reality of the argument between Peter and Paul because of his belief that scriptural authors would not lie. The same idea occurs in his letters, e.g., Epistula 82, where he adds that his interpretation was supported by Cyprian. Contrary to the aforementioned scholars, it is only in De baptismo that Augustine applies the Galatians passage, which he takes as referring to Peter’s humility, to Cyprian himself as an imitator of Peter. Thus, it is only in this treatise that Augustine seeks to redeem Cyprian from the clutches of the Donatists. A close reading of this variety of interpretation by Augustine contributes to an appreciation of the complexity of his reception of Cyprian, a topic of ever-increasing importance in Augustinian studies. (shrink)

Augustine’s Epistulae 23A*, 23*, and 22*, written in late 419 and early 420, present his involvement in the dispute concerning the translation of Honorius to Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell), a city Augustine had visited in September 418 while fulfilling a commission from Zosimus of Rome. The translation of bishops from one church to another had been condemned by the 325 Council of Nicaea. The three letters are difficult to interpret because the information to his three correspondents (Possidius of Calama, Renatus, (...) a monk of Caesarea Mauretaniae, and Alypius of Thagaste, who was in Italy at the time) seems to differ. A careful reading reveals that not only did Augustine’s knowledge of the situation change over time, but that the stress he placed on differing elements of that situation also changed depending upon the correspondent. The letters also disclose the involvement of Boniface I of Rome, Zosimus’ successor, and the complex relationship of the African churches with the bishop of Rome, especially in the matter of judicial appeal. What is suggested here is that Augustine, without saying so, seemed to be aware of the criteria Boniface had employed in another translation controversy, which was the approved translation of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth, and that, if applied to Honorius, this would lead the Roman bishop to reach a very different conclusion. (shrink)

As my time writing scripture reflections for this journal has drawn to an end, it is a good opportunity to reflect more theoretically about the nature of homiletic preaching today. My first peer-reviewed publication was on this topic. Since then I have returned on occasion to investigate preaching in the early Christian centuries both on its own terms qua preaching and as source material for theological expression. It is a matter worthy of fresh reflection, because in the twenty years since (...) the publication of the article in 'Worship' there have been new documents issued from Rome, which in turn have given rise to fresh statements from bishops' conferences. The question is: has there been much change in the way the nature of a homily is understood over those past twenty years, and how does that align with the 'Worship' article? The argument advanced here is that these recent documents reveal a multiplicity of understandings of the purpose of the Sunday liturgical homily. (shrink)

The Matthean parable of the wheat and the weeds appears across the spectrum of writings of early Christians in north Africa. Given that the parable seems to advocate a non-judgemental acceptance of sinners within the community in the present age, while north African Christianity is known for its emphasis on membership purity and the exclusion of sinners, how was this parable handled in that context? This article argues that an author like Tertullian avoided the ecclesiological dimensions of the parable, and (...) that Cyprian never applied the parable so as to reject the excommunication of the lapsed. Tyconius and Optatus made only passing reference to the parable. Augustine found the parable helpful in arguing against the Donatist practice of excommunicating traditores. Contra litteras Petiliani is considered in some detail. Yet even Augustine, who stands outside the north African tradition, believed in the excommunication. (shrink)

El artículo estudia los comentarios de Agustín sobre María en sus dieciocho homilías de Navidad, señalando la frecuencia y los contextos en que estas ideas aparecen, y el propósito que tienen. Como prueba del naciente culto a María en la cristiandad del Norte de África, el autor señala el interés de Agustín por María en sí misma, o por lo que ella significaba para la cristología.

Liber pontificalis records that, during the disputed Roman episcopal election, which started at the end of 418 and lasted several months, between Eulalius and Boniface, the latter took up residence in the cemetery of Felicity when the two candidates were expelled from the city. It also records Boniface, after his ultimate victory as legitimate bishop, refurbishing this cemetery and eventually being buried there. Although Liber pontificalis is wrong on a number of points withregard to the disputed election, as revealed through (...) letters preserved in the Collectio Avellana, there is no reason to doubt Boniface’s attraction to this martyrial complex on the via Salaria nova. This paper considers the catacomb and Boniface’s connection with it in the context of what we know about Roman episcopalburials of the early fifth century. (shrink)

Parece que san Agustín, en sus "sermones ad populum" proporciona muy poca información concreta sobre las realidades sociales de riqueza y pobreza. El artículo examina esta información para comentar la importancia que tenía para Agustín el aspecto social de la pobreza.

Dunn, Geoffrey D As with last year's reflections, it is my intention to give a distinctly patristic flavour to what I write, drawing upon the rich tradition of the church in the youthful flush of its earliest centuries, a time also of great challenge, to see the enduring relevance and beauty of the insights of the earliest Christian preachers, commentators and authors.

Dunn, Geoffrey D In the past two weeks we have heard of covenants God made with people: the covenant with Noah symbolised by the rainbow and the covenant with Abraham symbolised by the stars in the night sky. God made fantastic promises and it would seem that God asked for little in return. Perhaps that is unfair. Noah had to suffer seeing the rest of humanity destroyed and Abraham endured the torment of preparing his son for sacrifice. They both offered (...) a significant display of faith and their descendants enjoyed the benefits. (shrink)

Dunn, Geoffrey D Older Catholics would have grown up hearing about the sacrifice of the Mass, while in the last fifty years we have increasingly spoken of the celebration of the eucharist. Of course, the eucharist is sacrifice, but it is other things besides, like meal and celebration, and the word 'sacrifice' is easy to misinterpret. For many of us the word 'sacrifice' conjures up thoughts of the killing and slaughter of animals or even people. It is true that the (...) word can mean this, but it has a much broader meaning. To sacrifice something is to remove it from the realm of the everyday and hand it over or dedicate it to some other purpose. Thus, a bloodless sacrifice, like the libation or pouring out of wine, is the offering up of something for someone else's use rather than one's own. Naturally, the killing of a living victim ensures that one cannot change one's mind later on and take it back, especially when the burnt sacrificial animal has often then been eaten by those who had participated in or witnessed the ritual slaughter. (shrink)

Dunn, Geoffrey D We see in Mark's Gospel an interest in Jesus reaching out beyond the Jewish people to bring the good news to other peoples as well. One of the issues associated with that is the extent to which these other people need to adopt Jewish ways in order to become followers of Jesus. That is why, even though we are in a section of Mark's Gospel that deals with Jesus and the disciples, we have today's passage about Jesus (...) and the Jewish religious leaders, the Pharisees. (shrink)

As with the last two years' reflections, it is my intention to give a distinctly patristic flavour to what I write, drawing upon the rich tradition of the church in the youthful flush of its earliest centuries, a time also of great challenge, to see the enduring relevance and beauty of the insights of the earliest Christian preachers, commentators, and authors.

We continue where we left off from last Sunday with Jesus establishing the ethical foundations of the new Israel. Hypocrisy is really one of the most distasteful of human characteristics and in today's gospel passage Jesus confronts it head on. Hypocrisy is the real 'fake news', for it is nothing other than a sham and a pretence that we are something that we really are not, a contrivance that we are better than others when we are not, a sanctimonious false (...) virtue that we have the right to point out the faults of others while leaving our own failings untouched. When we are the victim of someone else's hypocrisy we feel the injustice and unfairness, we feel the betrayal and deception, we feel the put-down and rejection. (shrink)

It is not specified in Mark's Gospel where the ascension of Jesus takes place, although the last location specified is Jerusalem. Nor are we given a time frame for how long after the resurrection it occurred. In Matthew we also have no time frame, but the ascension is located in the north, in Galilee. In the second half of Luke we are told that the ascension took place forty days after the resurrection, and in the first half we are told (...) that it took place at Bethany, a small village just outside of Jerusalem. In the last words Jesus speaks to his followers he connects his ascension back to his death and resurrection. He also connects the mission of the church, in bringing the message of forgiveness to the world and the giving of the Spirit at Pentecost, to his death and resurrection. (shrink)

In chapter 14 of Luke's Gospel we have several stories about table fellowship put together and several sayings of Jesus that are added as maxims to conclude the stories, even though originally they were probably used in a different context. We find the first maxim about those who exalt themselves being humbled and those who humble themselves being exalted attached to different material in Matthew 23. We have just heard the first of those two table fellowship stories, which are found (...) in Luke only, but the third is going to be left out of our liturgy readings entirely. (shrink)

Dunn, Geoffrey D As a seminary student I was taught that a homily ought to end with a eucharistic link. Mature reflection leads me to conclude that the entire homily is itself the eucharistic link. It joins together the interplay of the life of the assembly and the Scriptures, on the one hand, and the great prayer of thanksgiving on the other. My reflections are missing the element of the life of the assembly, which can be supplied only by individual (...) preachers in touch with their communities, but hopefully they provide something of the reason why, on this particular occasion, the assembly can move on to offer God thanks. (shrink)

Dunn, Geoffrey D Lent is a time of preparation for Easter. It developed during the fourth century as a time when sinners, who could no longer participate as full members of the church due to the serious and public nature of their offences, prepared for reconciliation with the church through penance, and adult catechumens, who were seeking to join the church as new members, prepared for initiation into the church. The season is a time of renewal of relationships for the (...) community, of renewal of our relationship with God and of renewal of our relationships with others. The central theme is conversion: a conversion as radical as reorienting one's whole life according to the gospel of Jesus, and as total as requiring the surrender of life. We surrender our old way of life and allow the Spirit to conform us to the new way of life as a disciple of Jesus. The Year A readings have a particular focus on the initiation of catechumens, who, at the start of Lent, celebrate the rite of election and enter the final period of purification and enlightenment before initiation at Easter. On the Third, Fourth, and Fifth Sundays the elect celebrate the scrutinies, when the community examines their readiness for initiation. The symbols of the Easter liturgy feature in the readings of these three Sundays: water, light, and life. (shrink)

Dunn, Geoffrey D One of my philosophy professors told me there were two sets of alternatives at the heart of philosophy, which is another way of saying that there are two fundamental choices between two different ways at the heart of understanding life. The years have proven, at least as far as I am concerned, just how insightful this observation was. The two sets of alternatives are one and many, and being and flux. The solemn feast of Pentecost, the last (...) day of our Easter season, gives us the opportunity to reflect on the first set: one and many. When we look out at the world, are we the kind of persons who see what we have in common with others and see what unites us, or are we the kind of persons who first notice the differences between us and other people: either our gender, or our skin colour, or our language, or our religion, or our social status, or our nationality, or our education, or our occupation? There are so many things that make us different from one another that it is a rare person who is able to focus on what makes us one. (shrink)

The encounter between Jesus and the rich young man in Mt. 19,16-30 (with parallels in Mc. 10,17-31 and Lc. 18,18-30) provides the setting for the teachingon the attaining of perfection, which is presented as a three-step process: the selling of one’s possessions, the distribution of the proceeds to the poor, andthe following of Christ (Mt. 19,21; Mc. 10,21; Lc. 18,22; and the unique Lukan saying in 12,33). It was a passage to which Jerome appealed frequently in hiswritings and which Finn, (...) in his recent monograph, believes demonstrates Jerome’s extreme views. In this paper I shall examine Jerome’s references to this biblical passage in his letters and treatises to evaluate whether the first two steps in the process (self-dispossession and almsgiving) were consideredequally virtuous by Jerome. (shrink)

Innocent I (402-417) addressed Epistula 38 to two Bruttian bishops, Maximus and Severus, in response to a complaint from Maximilianus, an agens in rebus,that these southern Italian bishops had failed to take action against presbyters who fathered children contrary to the requirements of celibacy after ordination and claimed to be ignorant of any policy on this matter. Innocent reminded the two bishops that they needed to attend to their duties. This letter is among the earliest evidence for how the Roman (...) bishop operated in practice as metropolitan of Suburbicarian (and possibly Annonarian) Italy and so this article examines the growth of Rome’s metropolitan authority and concludes from an examination of both context and content of the letter that Innocent did not refer to any formal authority,which grew over time but seems to have been limited to presiding over synods, approving the election and ordination of new bishops, and hearing appeals from deposed bishops outside his province, but was exercising a practical authority as the leading bishop of the area, which he expressed in surprised tones, to direct them to do their duty. (shrink)