During the Algerian struggle, Fanon warned us about the influence on politics of ‘the few European colonialists, powerful, intractable, those who have at all times instigated repressions, broken the French democrats, blocked every endeavor within the colonial framework to introduce a modicum of democracy into Algeria’. Is this remark still pertinent? How does Frantz Fanon help us understand current reactionary politics in France? Is his analysis of the French Left still pertinent? How does colonial discourse weigh on the postcolonial present? (...) In this article, I explore current expressions of French postcolonial reactionary politics focusing on an event in Reunion Island, a French postcolonial territory. I argue that it is important to observe what is happening in French postcolonial territories because they remain laboratories for repressive policies and discourses. What I call the discourse of ‘French Algeria’, a mix of revisionist history, resentment, wounded narcissism and racism, embodies a political trend that seeks to counter the small progress made in rewriting history from the point of view of the colony in France. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:At the Beginning, There was the MaskFrançoise Vergès (bio)There is a long history to be told about the links between the economy of extractivism and exhaustion, between colonialism, race, capitalism, imperialism, and breathing, which could be summarized as the "struggle against suffocation and for life." Colonialism (slavery and post-slavery), race, and capitalism are all about un-breathing, about the toxicity of social, cultural, sexual and "natural" environments, about silencing, erasing (...) voices, cutting tongues, forbidding speech, fabricating a deadly form of quietude, requiring mute consent to injustices and inequalities. They play on restricting human lungs and on colonizing the lungs of the planet. In their world, one no longer breathes freely, one can no longer finds her voice, one learns to whisper. It is not the whisper of underground resistance, of words circulating from mouth to mouth to signal where is the next refuge, the next sanctuary, the cache for arms, the false papers, the hidden routes of escape and marooning. It is the murmur of someone beaten and tortured until mad with pain, when breathing has become an ordeal.When we say, "We are suffocating" or "The air has become unbreathable!" we are not just talking of polluted air but of the feeling of living in a deleterious and asphyxiating political regime, which involves social censorship and self-censorship. Fear sets in, we only speak in hushed tones. Under such a regime, political order demands civilized speech, disciplined expression; the authorized music is "national," "military," patriarchal, or of a reinvented tradition. The joy must be measured and the words of the songs and public speech be neutral or to the glory of the regime. The authoritarian regime may even appropriate a song of freedom as its hymn, a bitter paradox where the words of freedom are confiscated to justify oppression. The body is corseted, the voice muzzled, the lungs function faintly, they transcribe our feelings in their rhythm, accelerating or slowing down. When songs and cries of freedom nonetheless arise, defying the regime of silencing and un-breathing, they sharply shatter the feeling of physical and psychic suffocation, the feeling that words remain in our throat, that our voice cannot come out. Suddenly, we catch our breath. We respire, inhale, exhale, fill our lungs. And we reconnect [End Page 54] ourselves with the etymological meaning of respire: from Latin re (again) and spirare itself from Latin spiritus "a breathing (respiration, and of the wind), breath; breath of a god," hence "inspiration; breath of life," hence "life," also "disposition, character; high spirit, vigor, courage" (Harper). Life, vigor, and courage, the breathing of the oppressed break down the politics of suffocation."I can't breathe" were the last words of George Floyd, not long before exhaling his last breath. When across the world, during 2020, people were shouting in many languages, "I can't breathe" using all their breath, they were, by the thousands, making their voices heard, rupturing the silencing of racism. "I can't breathe" became a breathing cry. Breathing became resistance. Singing collectively was breathing together. The song soars from thousands of breasts. The human voice, alone or collective carries an emotional force within it, vibrates sensually. But one may say, this has been, and can still be, the expression of fascism, of toxic masculinity and lynching mobs. When is breathing a revolutionary practice then? When we retrace the racial history of suffocation and breathing, of the colonial/ imperialist military noise vs. songs of freedom, of breathing as a politics toward humanizing the world. In other words, when we show how polluted air and noise are central elements in racial and gendered exploitation and how the antiracist struggle against pollution and suffocation is a struggle against racial capitalism. When we learn that recent medical research links air pollution to delayed cognitive development, stunted growth, and reduced lung capacity in children, we understand that the pretense of the universal right to childhood is a lie. Racism condemns Black, Indigenous and Brown children to premature death. According to the World Health Organization, more people are dying every year of polluted air than of any other cause. The role of air pollution in neurodegenerative diseases such as... (shrink)

In recent years, Frantz Fanon has become a major figure for theorists and artists working on the connections between race, representation, colonialism, and humanism in the English speaking world. It is not the case in France where the debate around race remains heavily indebted to an abstract universalism which tends to obscure the long history of race’s presence in French thought. Looking at the figure of the slave, Françoise Vergès explores its presence and absence in Fanon’s Black Skin, Whites Masks, (...) and in French philosophical and cultural discourse. She reads this presence/absence as a symptom of the incapacity to integrate race as essential in the elaboration of political discourse, and as a wish to deny how the imperial and colonial past continues to shape political life. This denial feeds the illusion that France has been disconnected from its imperial past, reducing racism to the machinations of strictly economic life. Françoise Vergès argues that we need to reintegrate the figure of the slave if we wish to go beyond race as a symbolic marker and explores what anti-colonialits thinkers used to call a new post-racial humanism. (shrink)

Les questions soulevées par la mondialisation aujourd'hui - migrations, multiculturalisme, différence culturelle, dialogues ou conflits interculturels - peuvent être analysées à la lumière de précédentes mondialisations. Dans cet article, Françoise Vergès évoque les relations Sud-Sud telles qu'elles se sont développées dans la longue durée du monde indiano-océanique pour parler des processus et des pratiques de « créolisation ». La longue histoire des migrations forcées ou provoquées par des bouleversements géopolitiques dans cette partie du monde offre un cadre d'analyse qui interroge (...) les présupposées des cartes mentales forgées par une histoire eurocentrée. Les routes Sud-Nord peuvent alors être comparées aux routes Sud-Sud ou Est-Sud, et les zones de contact qui émergent à celles qui se créent en Europe. Les phénomènes d'hybridité, de métissage, d'interculturalité, de créolisation sont à analyser dans leur évolution, transformation et reconfiguration.The issues raised by globalization today - migration, multiculturalism, cultural difference, intercultural conflicts or dialogues - can be analyzed in the light of previous globalizations. In this article, Françoise Vergès evokes the South-South relations as developed in the long-oceanic world indiano to discuss the processes and practices of "creolization". The long history of forced migration caused by geopolitical upheavals in this part of the world offers an analytical framework that interrogates the presupposed mental maps shaped by Eurocentric history. North-South routes can then be compared to roads South-South or East-South and emerging areas of contact to those created in Europe. Phenomena of hybridity, miscegenation, interculturality, creolization are analyzed in terms of evolution, transformation and reconfiguration. (shrink)

Traite et esclavage appartiennent toujours au temps « précolonial » et pré-moderne. ils demeurent des objets marginalisés dans l'histoire coloniale. ils n'appartiennent pas encore au temps colonial, toujours majoritairement conçu comme le temps court du colonialisme post-abolitionniste. La mémoire a constitué un espace de résistance contre un récit historique qui s'écrivait en niant l'existence de cet événement. Cependant, le temps est venu pour les descendants de captifs et d'esclaves de faire appel à la mémoire pour revendiquer une identité particulière et (...) la reconnaissance du drame terrible, un « crime contre l'humanité » qu'ont vécu leurs ancêtres.Slavery and the Slave Trade have always been considered as belonging to a "pre-colonial" and pre­-modern time, and are marginalised in colonial history. They are not yet seen as part of the colonial age, which is still mainly considered in terms of the short period of post-abolitionist colonialism. Memory has made it possible to resist a historical narrative that denies the existence of events even as it is written. But for the descendants of captives and slaves, the lime has come to cali on memory to daim their specifie identity and to plead for recognition of the dreadful tragedy, the " crime against humanity", that their ancestors suffered. (shrink)