The concept of ‘accounts’ (Scott and Lyman, 1968) – or linguistic strategies for neutralizing the negative social meanings of norm violation – has a long history in sociology. This work examines British and American women's accounts of cosmetic surgery. In the medical literature, feminist writings and the popular press, aesthetic plastic surgery has been associated with narcissism, psychological instability and self-hatred. Given these negative connotations, cosmetic surgery remains a practice requiring justification even as its popularity increases. Drawing on interview data, (...) I argue that respondents' efforts to account for cosmetic surgery vary according to the ‘repertoires of evaluation’ (Lamont and Thévenot, 2000) made available by their own nation and, particularly, by its healthcare culture. In the market-based US healthcare system, women justify cosmetic surgery by referring to their personal and financial ‘investments’ in physical attractiveness and well-being. Such explanations are less legitimate in Britain, where healthcare is considered a social right rather than a consumer good. In the latter context, women employ narratives that medicalize the pre-surgical body by stressing the physical pain and emotional distress that it caused. (shrink)

Although consumers and physicians alike have long described the goal of aesthetic surgery as the production of an “improved” but still “natural-looking” body, interviews with women who had cosmetic surgery between 1990 and 2007 suggest that the “artificial” is becoming increasingly prevalent within consumers’ narratives of breast enlargement. This article explores that change in relation to processes of conspicuous consumption, the growing cultural emphasis on continual self-transformation, and the increasing normalization of cosmetic modification. Following Fraser, it treats consumers’ accounts not (...) as the reflection of “reality” or a “true self” but instead as indicators of the kinds of options, expressions, assumptions, and perspectives that are available for use in communication about cosmetic surgery. The analysis also draws on feminist writings about the social construction of “breastedness” in femininity. In so doing, it seeks to conceptualize the cultural significance of breasts that are “too good to be real.”. (shrink)

This article draws from field research in a Long Island beauty salon to explore the ways that female beauty work constructs gendered, classed identities. Stylists use their attachment to beauty culture to nullify status differences between themselves and their clientele, and to imagine themselves their customers' friends and social equals. However, the emotional ties stylists profess force them to accomodate clients' appearance preferences, even when they are, in the stylists' estimation, unattractive or unstylish. Hairdressers' emotion work thus serves to undermine (...) their status as professionals. While stylists use beauty culture to nullify status differences, clients use professional identities to resist beauty ideology. Customers' understandings of beauty, rather than following some omnipotent ideal, are instead driven by social location and cultural distinctions. Women use beauty work to stress social differences; rather than an endpoint, beauty is exploited in the service of class and status. (shrink)

This article considers matters of narration and intersubjectivity in cosmetic surgery by drawing from interviews with 80 British and American women who have had an aesthetic procedure and 16 British and American cosmetic surgeons. It explores constructions of the ‘surgical other’ — that is, the woman who has cosmetic surgery with little consideration of its risks, is motivated by vanity rather than need, has unreasonable expectations regarding its outcome and/or is obsessively concerned with her appearance. It shows that constructions of (...) surgical otherness are deeply contextual and interactive. They involve the production of narratives that reflect individual experience, are shaped by cultural imagery and incorporate narratives provided by other people. They also function as a form of identity work, as patients and surgeons draw upon them (and assist in reproducing them) in their performances of self. As part of that process, physicians not only confirm the patient’s self-presentation as a ‘good surgical candidate’, but also aid in producing her as such. Practitioners too engage in their own presentations of self; their negative commentary on surgical others implies a criticism of — and thus an effort to differentiate themselves from — the surgeons responsible for their production. (shrink)