In his early Jena System Drafts, Hegel elaborates a conception of time which is no longer thematized in later works such as the Encychpaedia. Hegel's early philosophy of nature bears not only on time insofar as it constitutes — together with space — the basic framework of the sciences, but also on the interiorization of time which occurs in the animal. This interiorization marks a decisive moment in the transition from nature to human consciousness, for it is here, in Hegel's (...) view, that time begins to enact itself as pure form of intuition. In this article I reconstruct Hegel's conception of this transition by sketching out the movement in which the pure concept unfolds itself in the element of exteriority and, within the limits imposed by that element, increasingly overcomes its self-externalization. According to Hegel's Jena texts, the concept initially determines itself as ether, space and time, reaches its turning point in the interiorization of time that occurs in the animal, and culminates in the distinction between the pure I and time which allows human consciousness to increasingly overcome its dependence on impressions caused by outward objects. I argue that this construction of the genesis of human consciousness sheds new light on Hegel's understanding of the relation between the pure concept and time, and hence on his philosophy as such. (shrink)

In most referenda, only two alternatives are used. In this article, the possibility to find procedures for three and more alternatives is discussed.The Swiss voting system for the revision of the constitution is not logically correct. Most procedures used in Swiss cantons are not either. Voting systems with two rounds, with points, or based on a relative majority are not defendable too. Nevertheless, a workable and logically correct procedure for 3 alternatives exists.Using 4 of more alternatives is only possible in (...) case of single-peakedness or some kinds of value-restrictedness. When this is not the case, systems which are logically correct, are getting too complex to be workable. (shrink)

In this study, an attempt is made to understand why Burke at the same time refers to the natural law and to the principle of inheritance as moral standards for the human will. Indeed, the latter principle implies reverence to a particular tradition, whereas natural law is a universal standard, binding all people. First, the meaning of the principle of inheritance in Burke's critique of the French Revolution is explained, and next the conception of the natural law he implicitly adopts. (...) In the latter, the close link between the doctrine of the natural law and the doctrine of prudence deserves our particular attention. It is the task of prudence to give concrete form to the natural law in a way of life and a constitution, by adapting it to the concrete circumstances of a particular society. For Burke, however, this adaptation is the work of the practical reason of many generations and many individuals. Man's individual reason is too limited to invent a good social order. The latter is rather the unintended consequence of a process of bargaining and accommodation. It is thus wise and natural for Burke that people bend their eyes to the tradition as to an instantiation of the natural law. In normal circumstances, individuals do not need to appeal immediately to the principles of natural law. In the next section then, it is shown that it is Burke's conception of Providence which enables him to believe that the tradition represents here and now the natural law. Moreover, the practical substitution of the natural law by the principle of inheritance affects Burke's understanding of prudence. Prudence no longer receives its moral direction in the first place from the natural affections but from the prejudices. The habituation to a way of life and culture provides people with a practical knowledge of what is good here and now. They learn to act in a habitual manner without needing an abstract and universal theory. According to Burke, only 'narrative discourses', interpreting and articulating the 'spirit' of the constitution can have some meaning for the practical direction of our lives. The study ends in an interrogation of this last point. Doesn't a community ever need a universal and abstract theory in order to go on living as a moral community ? And what can it expect from such a moral, c.q. political theory? (shrink)

Vertaling met commentaar van een van de vroegste geschriften van de Nederlandse wijsgeer, tegelijk een inleiding in zijn denken.

Bundel essays over geschiedenis van de fenomenologische beweging en zijn belangrijkste vertegenwoordigers Brentano, Husserl, Heidegger en Levinas.

Sharpe’s ratio is the most widely used index for establishing an order of priority for the portfolios to which the investor has access, and the purpose of this investigation is to verify that Sharpe’s ratio allows decisions to be made in investment portfolios considering different financial market conditions. The research is carried out by autoregressive model of the financial series of returns using Sharpe’s ratio for evaluations looking over the priority of financial assets which the investor can access while (...) observing the effects that can cause autocorrelated series in evaluation measures for financial assets. The results presented in this study confirm the hypothesis proposed in which Sharpe’s ratio allows decisions to be made in the selection of investment portfolios under normal conditions thanks to the definition of a robustness function, whose empirical estimation shows an average 73% explanation of the variance in the degradation of the Spearman coefficient for each of the performance measures; however, given the presence of autocorrelation in the financial series of returns, this similarity is broken. (shrink)

According to the grammar of Port-Royal it is possible to convert the noun ‘homme’ into the adjective 'humain' by adding a confused signification or connotation. Strangely enough it is stipulated that by the reversal of this process the adjective 'human' is converted into the substantive ‘humanité’ rather than the original noun ‘homme’. In this article I argue that the treatment of adjectives and substantives in the Port-Royal grammar depends strongly on the traditional Aristotelian ontology as summarized in the so-called ontological (...) square and the theory of the predicables. In connection with this it is shown that according to the Port-Royalists corresponding concrete and abstract nouns like ‘homme’ and ‘humanité’, should be in some sense equivalent. (shrink)

Grondleggers van de pedagogie(k). Grote denkers over opvoeden: stemmen uit het verleden en hun weerklank in het heden en de toekomst? Onder deze titel heeft De Vereniging tot Bevordering van de Studie der Pedagogiek (VBSP) haar tweejaarlijks congres gehouden. De foto op de voorkant van deze bundel symboliseert het onderwerp treffend: een opvoedeling omringd door bekende opvoeders/denkers zoals Janusz Korczak, Lev Vygotskij, Hannah Arendt en Henriëtte Pimentel. Wat weten we nog van deze grote namen? Wat waren hun opvattingen, wat (...) was hun invloed en wat kunnen wij van ze leren? Lea Dasberg, de bekende Nederlandse pedagoog, heeft het belang van kennis van de historie destijds mooi verwoord in haar inaugurele rede. Men kijkt achterom om vooruit te zien. Zoals de automobilist in zijn achteruitkijkspiegel kijkt om verantwoord vooruit te rijden. Het begrijpen van samenhang tussen verleden en heden biedt perspectief op de toekomst. Deze bundel bevat artikelen over diverse opvoeders/denkers die zich met de pedagogie(k) bezig hebben gehouden. Hun ideëen kunnen ook nu en in de toekomst een waardevolle bijdrage leveren aan het vormgeven van pedagogische praktijken. Het boek kan in de opleidingen Pedagogiek, Pabo en Social Work worden gebruikt. Voor studenten zijn studievragen toegevoegd aan het eind van iedere bijdrage."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Amsterdam University Press is a leading publisher of academic books, journals and textbooks in the Humanities and Social Sciences. Our aim is to make current research available to scholars, students, innovators, and the general public. AUP stands for scholarly excellence, global presence, and engagement with the international academic community.

In the past few years in the Netherlands and other multi-ethnic democratic states we hear sharp political and intellectual criticism on the philosophical idea of a ‘multicultural society’. In this article, the author questions the criticism of several liberal and conservative political philosophers, who in their approach give attention to the genealogy of multiculturalism. While a liberal as Brian Barry sees multiculturalism as a regression, the conservative Roger Scruton on the other hand considers this political and intellectual phenomenon as a (...) bridge too far, a symptom of the disintegration of the modern nation. The author argues that these criticisms are forcing us to abandon a form of multiculturalism that considers ‘toleration’ as the highest principle. The ‘toleration-multiculturalist’ gets entangled in inconsistencies and moral paradoxes, as soon as he wants to determine his position towards intolerant and immodest variations of the Volksgeist, the cultural homogeneity and identity. The underlying problem in the discussion among liberals, conservatives and multiculturalists is the ontological vulnerability of cultures. This vulnerability has to do with the fact that cultures, traditions and identities are dependant on the constructive work of autonomous interpreters. Therefore a permanent dialogue with the past is necessary. While nationalists and multiculturalists are inclined to eliminate this vulnerability by fixating and immunizing the cultural and national identity, the liberals are neutralizing the cultural loyalties of people through the privatisation of identities. In contrast to these positions the author pleads for a form of democracy in which the rituals of democracy mediate the permanent dissensus about the meaning of nevertheless being a national community. (shrink)

Wijsgerige en wijsgerig-criminologische onderzoek naar het onderscheid tussen het normale en het abnormale met het oog op de strafrechtelijke normaliserings- macht en het abolitionisme.

This volume contains five articles by prominent scholars of French literature and political philosophy that examine the relation between Montaigne's Essays, one ...

In the theoretical literature on moral responsibility, one sometimes comes across cases of manipulated agents. In cases of this type, the agent is a victim of wholesale manipulation, involving the implantation of various pro-attitudes (desires, values, etc.) along with the deletion of competing pro-attitudes. As a result of this manipulation, the agent ends up performing some action unlike any that she would have performed were it not for the manipulation. These sorts of cases are sometimes thought to motivate historical views (...) of responsibility, on which the agent’s past is relevant to whether she is responsible for a specific action. In a recent paper, Daniel Sharp and David Wasserman bring these theoretical discussions on moral responsibility to bear on practical issues regarding neurological modifications of individuals. After proposing and arguing for a historical view, Sharp and Wasserman offer some insight into how such a view may help us in determining the responsibility of subjects who have undergone Deep Brain Stimulation. This paper aims to join this discussion, by arguing that the correct historical view to be applied will also appeal to the agent’s control over her mental life and the fact that this was bypassed. I conclude with some brief comments on the practical implications of such a historical view. (shrink)

Bundel van vier voordrachten waarin de filosofische achtergronden van de grote politieke partijen worden belicht.

Penser la guerre, c'est se placer dans l'effort philosophique qui se conçoit comme élucidation et affirmation rationnelles des différentes manières dont l'option humaine pour la raison et contre la violence se réalise dans l'histoire. Cette thèse fournit le point de vue à partir duquel l'auteur épouse la pensée de Kant, von Clausewitz et Hegel, en essayant ensuite d'en tirer des leçons possibles en vue des discussions actuelles dans la philosophie politique en tant que réflexion sur la guerre et la paix. (...) Von Clausewitz, penseur de la guerre après la « révolution » militaire depuis Napoléon, n'est pas seulement le « militariste » s'appliquant à la rationalité qui se déploie dans la violence guerrière elle-même, mais a surtout montré comment la guerre doit emprunter sa rationalité spécifique à la rationalité supérieure et englobante qui est celle de la politique , selon sa célèbre formule: la guerre est la continuation de la politique avec d'autres moyens. Mais il s'agit de bien comprenre cette formule. Dans la philosophie politique hégélienne, qui veut «saisir en pensée» le système d'une pluralité d'États indépendants et également souverains, la guerre a le caractère d'une «nécessité» rationnelle. Dans la philosophie du droit de Kant, la paix stable est l'objet d'un devoir impératif de la pure raison pratique, mais la guerre semble, de fait, inévitable, et ceci encore pour longtemps. C'est dans son projet philosophique intitulé Vers la paix perpétuelle que Kant essaie de penser les conditions politiques nécessaires pour établir une paix durable et juste entre les nations. L'auteur montre que ce projet est moins irréaliste qu'on ne le pense le plus souvent, si on veut l'interpréter à la lumière de la philosophie de l'histoire de Kant. On peut se demander néanmoins si Hegel ne continue pas à avoir raison contre Kant. Mais pour Hegel aussi l'histoire est un apprentissage. Au philosophe qui la comprend elle prouve, dit-il, la perfectibilité de l'éducation du genre humain. Il est possible de trouver, de ce point de vue, une convergence de la philosophie de l'histoire de Hegel avec celle de Kant. Une importance spécifique est donnée ici à l'interprétation du dictum de Hegel, que dans la guerre elle-même la guerre est déterminée comme devant être passagère . S'il est vrai que l'histoire de la dialectique de guerre et de paix peut nous rendre plus „sages”, qu'est-ce qu'elle nous a appris ? L'auteur souligne plus spécialement deux éléments: nous comprenons peut-être mieux la signification de la liberté et de ce qu'implique „libération”; nous voyons plus clairement l'importance à donner aux droits de l'homme comme expression de la justice. Il conclut que la philosophie comme „pensée de guerre” peut éclairer la politique dans son effort tendant à définir la justice qui peut établir la paix, afin de rendre superflue la guerre qui doit établir la justice. (shrink)

The new paradigm in the psychology of reasoning adopts a Bayesian, or prob- abilistic, model for studying human reasoning. Contrary to the traditional binary approach based on truth functional logic, with its binary values of truth and falsity, a third value that represents uncertainty can be introduced in the new paradigm. A variety of three-valued truth table systems are available in the formal literature, including one proposed by de Finetti. We examine the descriptive adequacy of these systems for natural language (...) indicative condi- tionals and bets on conditionals. Within our framework the so-called “defective” truth table, in which participants choose a third value when the antecedent of the indicative conditional is false, becomes a coherent response. We show that only de Finetti’s system has a good descriptive fit when uncer- tainty is the third value. (shrink)

Hegels Ableitung der Kategorien Identität, Unterschied (mit Verschiedenheit und Gegensatz ) und Widerspruch wird als brüchig erwiesen, sofern durch den nicht zureichend begründeten Anfang mit der Identität der Unterschied nicht deutlich als Voraussetzung für die weitere Ableitung herausgestellt wird und die Verschiedenheit keine selbständige Stellung im Ableitungsgang erhält. Die Verschiedenheit ist hier nur Vorform des Gegensatzes. Der genannte Kategorienzusammenhang kann schlüssiger abgeleitet werden, wenn man vom Widerspruch als der universalen Bestimmung des Verhältnisdenkens ausgeht und die übrigen Begriffe als Elemente der (...) Widerspruchsstruktur erweist. Trotz der Versuche Mao Tsetungs und Althussers, um das dialektische Denken offener und flexibler zu machen, wird die Universalität des Widerspruchs (und des Verhältnisdenkens) in Frage gestellt durch das Denken der Differenz. Dieses Denken wird durch Heidegger vorbereitet und durch Derrida, Foucault, Irigaray, Lyotard u.a. weiter ausgearbeitet. Von den gesellschaftlich-politischen und allgemein ontologischen Inhalten und von den logisch-begrifflichen Formen her legt sich die Erwartung nahe, dass die Dialektik dem Denken der Differenz eingeordnet werden muss, dass dieses den umfassenderen Zusammenhang konstituiert, in dem aber die Ordnungsstrukturen des dialektischen Denkens unverzichtbar sind. (shrink)