Circulation of ideas among philosophers is the core of Philosophy itself. The lack of this circulation can lead to obscurantism and cultural provincialism. The latter, for instance, afflicted Italy during the first half of the 20th century because of the close-minded neo-idealism of Croce and the mutual indifference of science and philosophy. Antonio Gramsci tried to overcome the problem of provincialism. In this essay, I explain how he attempted to overcome it. I focus on his conceptual categories like heg emony, (...) organic intellectual, national-popular and so on. (shrink)

KWAME ANTHONY APPIAH, COSMOPOLITISM. ETICA ÎNTR-O LUME A STRĂINILOR COSMOPOLITANISM. ETHICS IN A WORLD OF STRANGERS, BUCUREŞTI: ANDRECO EDUCATIONAL GRUP, 2007.

Along with the exploding attention to globalization, issues of global justice have become central elements in political philosophy. After decades in which debates were dominated by a state-centric paradigm, current debates in political philosophy also address issues of global inequality, global poverty, and the moral foundations of international law. As recent events have demonstrated, these issues also play an important role in the practice of international law. In fields such as peace and security, economic integration, environmental law, and human rights, (...) international lawyers are constantly confronted with questions of global justice and international legitimacy. This special issue contains four papers which address an important element of this emerging debate on cosmopolitan global justice, with much relevance for international law: the principle of sovereign equality, global economic inequality, and environmental law. (shrink)

The first results of my Phd-thesis regarding Michael Psellos’ practical philosophy, namely his approach on brotherly love and cosmopolitism. I will analyze passages from several texts and present first translations. Secondly I will put his arguments in context with the classical pagan, late antique and Christian ways of understanding virtue, cosmopolitism and brotherly love as well as work out his proper innovation. Michael Psellos is representative for the byzantine way of thought and its unique mixture that just begins (...) to be analyzed by modern scholars. (shrink)

The essay moves from the tension between society and humanity, between nationalism and cosmopolitism, in order to discuss the sociological concept of the State according to Emile Durkheim. The author criticizes Pierre Bourdieu who maintains that the Durkheimian State was only the expression of the French republican society at the end of the 19th century. The State should be instead for Durkheim the organized expression of the authority existing in every society. Unlike what happens in modern political theory, in (...) particular in Hobbes and Rousseau, the sociological State is not the sum of the forces, but rather the result of a mental process that links individuals to their state organization. Precisely for this reason the state is «the organ of social thought», which allows subsequent deliberations through the mediation between rulers and ruled, without presupposing individuals but producing continuously the environment of their action. (shrink)

Cosmopolitism takes up a crucial systematic point in Kant’s philosophy: between philosophy of history and anthropology on the one hand, the three critiques on the other hand. Binding together the three questions – What can I know, shall I do, may I hope? – by the fourth question – What ist human? – is not possible without cosmopolitism, as the eminent expression of character of mankind in history. Thus the synthesis of all parts of philosophy has already been (...) called Kant’s „Fourth Critique“, i.e. Critique of historical reason connected with critical anthopology. Kant’s systematic, metaphysical, but critical concepts for eschatology as well as „origin“ are pointed out, whereas their devastating uncritical understanding provides radicalistic obstacles for cosmopolitism. Overwhelming these obstacles, however, consequently requires self-criticism of enlightenment. (shrink)

This chapter links a conception of global justice, moral cosmopolitanism, with plurinational democracies. After giving a brief description of moral cosmopolitanism, I go on to analyse notions of cosmopolitanism and patriotism in Kant's work and the political significance that the notion of unsocial sociability and the Ideas of Pure Reason of Kant's first Critique have for cosmopolitanism. Finally, I analyse the relationship between cosmopolitanism and minority nations based on the preceding sections. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional (...) refinement of democracies and international society that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional liberal constitutionalism and cosmopolitanism. (shrink)

The Austrian writer Stefan Zweig was a staunch cosmopolitan who, after the catastrophe of World War I, campaigned for peaceful cooperation between the peoples of Europe. He considered the biography of Erasmus of Rotterdam, a definite enemy of every kind of fanaticism, to be exemplary. In his novel “Triumph und Tragik des Erasmus von Rotterdam” (1934) he portrayed him as an antithesis to Luther, whose religious radicalism combined with nationalistic tendencies he detested. Zweig contrasted the cosmopolitan humanism of Erasmus with (...) the German Reformation of Luther. Under the impression of the political seizure of power by the National Socialists, which forced him to emigrate, Zweig's interest in the history of the Reformation in Europe grew. After “Maria Stuart” (1935) he saw in his novel “Castellio against Calvin” (1936) in Castellio an heir to Erasmus, who defended human freedom of conscience against the repressive theocratic Geneva regime. For Zweig, Calvin became a tyrant who in many ways resembled Hitler. (shrink)

This article examines Kant’s pragmatic anthropology as a specific model of perceiving a human, his nature which German philosopher started to elaborate in the beginning of 1770s. This issue found its reflections in the new course of university lectures on pragmatic anthropology that Kant read before his retirement in 1796. Basic ideas of this academic course Kant has presented in his treatise “Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View” (1798) which highlights a new model of studying human nature. Based on (...) the thorough analysis of this particular tractate and on the materials for the lectures, as well as Kant’s notes, the research on conceptual differences between pragmatic anthropology model and other human studies that German philosopher developed in his transcendental philosophy, as well as in metaphysic and naturalistic subjects, which he also taught in University of Königsberg, can be conducted. Theoretical backgrounds that enabled genesis of pragmatic view on a human are a part of this investigation. On this connection, a special attention is paid to the role of physical geography, its conceptual language in the genesis of pragmatic view on a human. It was physical geography, which Kant taught long before a new model of anthropology, which has led to a gradual metaphysical interpretation of Kant's view on a human, his soul and freedom. Conceptual matter of pragmatic anthropology model, its connection to perceiving a human as an active subject who with his own efforts constitutes his own nature, which, in its turn, is the part of the nature, is studied. Basic concepts of Kant’s anthropology are analyzed in this regard; their dissimilarities to empirical and moral dimensions with the help of which German philosopher is trying to answer the question: “What a human is?” are deliberated on. However, the answer to this question is fundamentally differing from the answers offered by Kant's pragmatic anthropology. Anthropological ideas of the German philosopher have essentially affected its pedagogical doctrine. (shrink)

Recent developments in the Arab world reopen one of the most fertile debate topics in international relations theory: the universal nature of the concept “fundamental human rights” and their content. The perspectives are different, being influenced by an ideological background, especially theological, apparently contradictory, affecting the positions of major international actors, stimulating the revival of controversies on major differences between Western world and the developing societies. Through a balanced analysis, specific to critical postmodernism, of the way each civilization (according to (...) Samuel Huntington) relates to the human being and to its place within its own legal architecture, one can notice that, beyond any differences, joint elements can be identified for further integration into a common fundamental text conferring the consensual universality indispensable to such an important principle. (shrink)

Trataré de sostener que la tolerancia, si bien se halla esencialmente vinculada a la experiencia de un conflicto originario, es una noción parasitaria, es decir, que ella depende siempre de una concepción ética previa de la que deriva su fuerza o su sentido positivo; y abogaré a favor de enmarcar la comprensión de la tolerancia dentro del paradigma del reconocimiento. Para ello, dividiré mi argumentación en dos partes. En primer lugar, trataré de seleccionar las que considero las principales matrices hermenéuticas (...) de la noción de tolerancia, con la idea de mostrar el doble juego conceptual al que acabo de hacer alusión, y con el propósito de trazar paulatinamente un mapa conceptual del terreno que la noción cubre. En segundo lugar, propondré́ una síntesis sistemática sumaria de la noción de tolerancia, describiendo los rasgos que, me parece, le son constitutivos, entre ellos precisamente el de ser una noción parasitaria. No se tratará de una mera reconstrucción, sino más bien de un intento por mostrar un sentido propositivo que haga plausible la defensa de esta virtud. [Fragmento]. (shrink)

En esta obra, Bauman analiza diferentes tendencias de vuelta a etapas pasadas que observa en la sociedad actual, y que, a su juicio, suponen un retroceso en el progreso social. Sin embargo, y conceptualizando la retrotopía como una negación de la negación de la utopía, no analiza las mismas como si estas fuesen irreversibles. De este modo, el objetivo de un mundo mejor continúa siendo algo realizable, aunque las adversidades para conseguir esta meta sean numerosas y difíciles, y muchas de (...) las aspiraciones o utopías hayan sido no solamente paralizadas, sino que muestran una regresión. Así, desde un punto de vista crítico, y con un tono de denuncia respecto a algunas acciones del poder, el autor analiza los factores que han llevado a la humanidad a la situación actual, así como el camino para revertir los pasos atrás que se han producido. Asimismo, destaca como en este mundo globalizado, sin embargo, todavía no se ha constituido una conciencia cosmopolita. Finalmente, Bauman muestra sus dudas respecto a las posibilidades de consecución de una humanidad cosmopolitamente integrada, aunque da a entender que esta meta debe conseguirse para poder asegurar el futuro de los seres humanos, y ve la cultura del diálogo como un factor imprescindible para lograr la integración a nivel global. (shrink)

This article differentiates between three different axes of conflict in world risk society. The first axis is that of ecological conflicts, which are by their very essence global. The second is global financial crises, which, in a first stage, can be individualized and nationalized. And the third, which suddenly broke upon us on September 11th, is the threat of transnational terror networks, which empowers governments and states. Two sets of implications are drawn: first, there are the political dynamics of world (...) risk society. In an age where trust and faith in God, class and progress have largely disappeared, humanity's common fear has proved the last - ambivalent - resource for making new bonds. Second, the methodological nationalism that preoccupies the sociological imagination has to be overcome and a `methodological cosmopolitism' has to be created. (shrink)

El artículo explora algunos de los principales rasgos políticos de la época globalizada y defiende la necesidad de entidades políticas representativas que superen el marco del Estado nación. A continuación se pregunta bajo qué presupuestos ético-políticos podría defenderse un modelo político-jurídico global para un mundo axiológicamente diverso y qué concepciones políticas y valores podrían proponerse como referente normativo para una gobernanza global cuya meta habría de ser el ejercicio legítimo del poder. Teniendo en cuenta las dificultades de tal empresa, se (...) presentan posibles estrategias y razones que invitan a considerar que la posibilidad de un acuerdo global no es del todo implausible. (shrink)

This article differentiates between three different axes of conflict in world risk society. The first axis is that of ecological conflicts, which are by their very essence global. The second is global financial crises, which, in a first stage, can be individualized and nationalized. And the third, which suddenly broke upon us on September 11th, is the threat of transnational terror networks, which empowers governments and states. Two sets of implications are drawn: first, there are the political dynamics of world (...) risk society. In an age where trust and faith in God, class and progress have largely disappeared, humanity's common fear has proved the last - ambivalent - resource for making new bonds. Second, the methodological nationalism that preoccupies the sociological imagination has to be overcome and a `methodological cosmopolitism' has to be created. (shrink)

Nu cu foarte mult timp în urmă, grupul de teorie socială şi politică din cadrul proiectului POSDRU 89/1.5/S/56815 „Societatea bazată pe cunoaştere-cercetări, dezbateri, perspective”, a publicat, tot la editura Institutul European, lucrarea Concepte şi teorii social-politice. Volumul de faţă reprezintă un nou pas al grupului nostru de lucru în realizarea proiectului inaugurat prin publicarea acelei lucrări. Este vorba, reamintesc, despre proiectul elaborării unor volume care să-i ajute pe cei interesaţi în iniţierea (lor sau a altora) în teoria (şi în special (...) filosofia) politică, mai ales în dezvoltările sale conceptuale, argumentative şi problematologice recente. Desigur, nu am intenţionat în mod expres ca aceste volume să fie utile doar în această direcţie. Speranţa noastră a fost, dimpotrivă, ca ele să fie interesante şi pentru cercetătorii cu experienţă în investigarea şi dezbaterea temelor abordate în cadrul lor, mai ales pentru că unele capitole prezintă idei, argumente sau perspective originale, care, credem noi, merită atenţia critică a comunităţii cercetătorilor români. Menirea lor fundamentală rămâne totuşi, în intenţia noastră, cea introductivă. Aşa cum recunoşteam în cuvântul său înainte, Concepte şi teorii socialpolitice nu este deloc un volum exhaustiv. Teorii şi ideologii politice reprezintă, în bună măsură, şi o încercare de a compensa cumva acest „defect” al volumului în cauză. Desigur, nici publicarea lui nu ne permite să susţinem că am atins obiectivul oferirii unei introduceri cât mai complete în teoria/filosofia politică actuală. Deşi Teorii şi ideologii politice prezintă câteva dintre cele mai importante teorii sau ideologii politice contemporane, există multe altele care nu sunt prezentate (sau cel puţin nu sunt prezentate atât de detaliat pe cât ar fi meritat) între paginile sale. Mă refer aici, spre exemplu, la libertarianism, comunitarianism, cosmopolitism sau capabilism (ca teorie a dezvoltării umane). Ne consolăm însă în baza a trei argumente. Unul este acela că, aşa cum se poate observa cu uşurinţă din cuprinsul său, cartea de faţă prezintă totuşi un număr important dintre principalele teorii şi ideologii politice recente (unele dintre ele pentru prima dată în literatura românească de specialitate). Al doilea este acela că unele dintre teoriile sau ideologiile politice care nu sunt abordate aici au beneficiat deja de prezentări competente şi atente la noi (unele dintre ele chiar în Concepte şi teorii social-politice). În sfârşit, al treilea argument este acela că sperăm cu toţii că prezentul volum nu reprezintă ultimul nostru pas în realizarea obiectivului menţionat în debutul acestei intervenţii. Sperăm, altfel spus, să putem prezenta acele teorii sau ideologii politice care nu şi-au găsit locul între paginile lui sau ale celui precedent cu o altă ocazie. Ţin să precizez însă că volumul pe care îl introduc prin această intervenţie nu este întrutotul o continuare a celui precedent, deşi între ele există, desigur, destule afinităţi, relaţii şi continuităţi tematice. Mai exact, el nu ar putea fi descris totalmente neproblematic ca reprezentând „al doilea tom” al volumului Concepte şi teorii social-politice. Titlul său este menit să indice acest lucru. Dacă lucrarea anterioară era centrată pe prezentarea unora dintre principalele concepte ale teoriei/filosofiei social-politice contemporane, cartea de faţă prezintă câteva dintre principalele teorii sau ideologii dezvoltate şi apărate de politologii, filosofii, economiştii sau „ideologii” politici contemporani. Nici de această dată nu voi încerca să rezum principalele idei expuse sau metodologii utilizate de către autori în prezentarea teoriilor sau ideologiilor politice care se regăsesc între paginile ce urmează. Temeiul meu este acelaşi: acolo unde au considerat că este cazul, autorii capitolelor şi-au rezumat ei înşişi ideile prezentate sau/şi metodologiile utilizate. În plus, cititorul interesat să-şi facă o idee prealabilă despre conţinutul ideatic şi problematologic al cărţii dispune de un rezumat al ei (în limbile engleză şi franceză) în finalul său. În consecinţă, mă voi mulţumi să închei doar prin a exprima încă o dată speranţa noastră că această carte se va dovedi utilă celor cărora li se adresează cu preponderenţă. Sperăm, în alte cuvinte, ca ea să le fie de ajutor în înţelegerea şi evaluarea adecvată a teoriilor şi ideologiilor pe care le prezintă. Şi mai important, sperăm că ea îi va stimula să caute să aprofundeze cercetarea acestor teorii şi ideologii şi – mai ales – să iniţieze propriile investigaţii sistematice şi riguroase în această privinţă. Dezvoltarea politologiei şi a filosofiei politice în spaţiul românesc, ca să nu mai vorbim despre clarificarea şi fundamentarea cât mai completă şi adecvată a opţiunilor ideologice ale partidelor politice din România, au nevoie de acest lucru. (shrink)

Eleni Panagiotarakou | : The focus of this paper is on the “right to place” as a political theory of wild animal rights. Out of the debate between terrestrial cosmopolitans inspired by Kant and Arendt and rooted cosmopolitan animal right theorists, the right to place emerges from the fold of rooted cosmopolitanism in tandem with environmental and ecological principles. Contrary to terrestrial cosmopolitans—who favour extending citizenship rights to wild animals and advocate at the same time large-scale humanitarian interventions and unrestricted (...) geographical mobility—I argue that the well-being of wild animals is best served by the right to place theory on account of its sovereignty model. The right to place theory advocates human non-interference in wildlife communities, opposing even humanitarian interventions, which carry the risk of unintended consequences. The right to place theory, with its emphasis on territorial sovereignty, bases its opposition to unrestricted geographical mobility on two considerations: the non-generalist nature of many species and the potential for abuse via human encroachment. In a broader context, the advantage of the right to place theory lies in its implicit environmental demands: human population control and sustainable lifestyles. | : Le présent article porte principalement sur le « droit territorial » en tant que théorie politique des droits des animaux sauvages. Issu du débat entre théoriciens cosmopolitistes du droit animal, soit terrestres inspirés par Kant et Arendt, soit enracinés, le droit territorial trouve ses sources dans le cosmopolitisme enraciné qui va de concert avec certains principes environnementaux et écologiques. Contrairement aux cosmopolitistes terrestres, qui préconisent d’étendre les droits de citoyenneté aux animaux sauvages tout en défendant les interventions humanitaires à grande échelle et la mobilité géographique illimitée, j’estime que la théorie du droit territorial est davantage en mesure d’assurer le bien-être des animaux sauvages, grâce à son modèle basé sur la souveraineté. La théorie du droit territorial préconise la non-ingérence dans les communautés fauniques, allant jusqu’à s’opposer aux interventions humanitaires, qui risquent de provoquer des conséquences non désirées. Cette théorie, en mettant l’accent sur la souveraineté territoriale, base son opposition à la mobilité géographique illimitée sur deux considérations : le caractère non généraliste de bon nombre d’espèces, et le risque de mauvais traitements par empiètement humain. Dans un contexte plus large, l’intérêt de la théorie du droit territorial réside dans ses exigences environnementales implicites : le contrôle de la population humaine et l’adoption de modes de vie durables. (shrink)

s political theory apparently leads us to choose between patriotism and cosmopolitism. The two major works published in 1762, On the Social Contract and Emile , would represent the two sides of the alternative. However, the opposition between patriotism and cosmopolitism is the ultimate development of an internal tension between two aspects of Rousseau’s political concept of people: the intersubjectivity that permits the formation of the general will; and the individual’s devotion to the state. On the one hand, (...) the political community appears as a distributive totality. On the other hand, it is viewed as a collective totality. When generalized, intersubjectivity leads to the formation of both the social concept of people and the moral concept of humanity, while patriotism requires the individual’s loyalty to the nation. In order to maintain the coherence of the very political concept of people and to solve the main political problem - which is to reconcile security and liberty - it is necessary to overcome the dichotomy between cosmopolitism and patriotism. Emile and Rousseau’s original plan for On the Social Contract are consistent on that point. Key Words: cosmopolitism • general will • intersubjectivity • nation • patriotism • people. (shrink)

This book investigates how, from the seventeenth century onward, philosophers, philologists and historians described various world "cultures", colonized the past (or national pasts), and thus invented Europe's philosophical nature. In the recent past, critical discussions concerning notions such as "cultural area" and "area studies", as well as their relativizations by means of conceptions that avoid splitting clearly identified areas (inter alia, "third space", "hybridity", "diaspora", or "cosmopolitism"), drew attention to the long history of cultural territorialization. This book attempts to (...) open the history of philosophy to reflexive and globalizing tendencies elaborated in the field of "world history". From the seventeenth century onward, in both modern Europe and North America, historical sciences - notably philosophical historiography and cultural history - colonized both the past (or national pasts) and the "rest" of the world. The contributions gathered in the present volume address both phenomena to the extent that they have been linked with modern historicization of philosophy, sciences, and culture. (shrink)

The placing of the concept citizen in the context of globalisation makes it possible to approach it using the category of cosmopolitism and the related dispute between the advocates of pluralism and those of hegemony. In the debates on cosmopolitism, the transition from the classic concept of ‘citizen’ to that of ‘citizen of the world’, or cosmopolite, is generally regarded as something obvious, just as is its territorial extension. The concept of the citizen thus becomes transcendental and virtual. (...) Usually its Greek roots are pointed to, as cosmo-polites is derived from the word cosmos, an ordered world, the universe and polites, a citizen. The historians of concepts are, however, right to point out that in its original form, that is, among the cynics and the stoics, the word cosmopolites was understood in a philosophical and moral rather than in a political sense. It was a deliberate rejection of polis as a specific place and a specific political order, in favour of a universal space and natural law. Humans, as inhabitants of the universe, are subject only to the authority of the world-penetrating logos, the principles and laws with which they were able to become acquainted by applying their own rationality; this very capability was an obligation to observe those principles and laws and to comply with them. Because of its very nature, the concept of a cosmopolite is thus apolitical, or, in other word, not uncitizen-like. (shrink)

?Starting from the literary translations and reflections on the theory of translation of Christoph Martin Wieland, this book deals with different modalities and methods of translating and transmitting? not only from language to language, but also between literary genres, epochs, knowledge formations and nations. Wieland is portrayed as an author and editor who devoted himself? with experimental openness? to a project of mediating and resolving dichotomies such as cosmopolitism and nation.".

How should liberal societies respond to nonliberal ones? In this paper I examine John Rawls’s conception of international toleration against what is sometimes called a cosmopolitan one. Rawls holds that a just international order should recognize certain nonliberal societies, to which he refers as decent peoples, as equal members in good standing in a just society of peoples. It would be a violation of liberalism’s own principle of toleration to deny the international legitimacy of decent peoples who, among other things, (...) affirm human rights and accept peaceful coexistence with other societies. According to the cosmopolitan idea of international toleration, on the contrary, only societies that are liberal in character meet the criteria for toleration. I suggest that, against the Rawlsian conception of international toleration, the cosmopolitan idea is more consistent with the fundamentals of liberal political morality. I then clarify the ways in which cosmopolitan toleration is not worryingly interventionist even as it is not altogether toothless; and I end with some reflections on why cosmopolitism is not morally imperialistic. (shrink)

The claim that human dignity is universal is challenged by the particular experience of the horrible things people do to others. If dignity is just a ‘vacuous concept’ then the notion of universal human rights and the claim of cosmopolitism that all human beings for a single moral community are also called into question. A close reading of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and an analysis the historical development of the text reveals a complex conception of human dignity (...) expressed by the Component Dimensions of Human Dignity model. The model conceives of human dignity in terms of four Component Dimensions – existential, behavioral, cognitive-affective and social- each consisting of a Complementary Duality comprising two facets held in tension along an axis of the Already and the Not Yet. Consequently, human dignity can be understood both as Already a universal truth, and as Not Yet realized in every particular life. (shrink)

The claim that human dignity is universal is challenged by the particular experience of the horrible things people do to others. If dignity is just a ‘vacuous concept’ then the notion of universal human rights and the claim of cosmopolitism that all human beings for a single moral community are also called into question. A close reading of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and an analysis the historical development of the text reveals a complex conception of human dignity (...) expressed by the Component Dimensions of Human Dignity model. The model conceives of human dignity in terms of four Component Dimensions – existential, behavioral, cognitive-affective and social- each consisting of a Complementary Duality comprising two facets held in tension along an axis of the Already and the Not Yet. Consequently, human dignity can be understood both as Already a universal truth, and as Not Yet realized in every particular life. (shrink)

The article is devoted to the philosophical consideration of anthropological crisis in the risk society in his historical transformation. The research is aimed to anthropological analysis of the risk society in order to identify its new features in the modern era. As a methodological principle of research, the author defines the distinction between anthropological and cosmological approaches in philosophy. It is about their complex relationships and contradictions in the development of the civilizational process. The anthropological crisis becomes apparent when society (...) becomes a “society of risk” in the modern era. The article reveals the cause of the anthropological crisis in the risk society: the social production of wealth becomes the production of risks. In the XXI century there is a “world society of risk”, which is associated with the process of globalization. The risk research methodology suggests the need to anticipate unpredictable. The main difficulty in risk analysis is that the risk is between certainty and uncertainty, between rational and irrational. Two main trends - the reflexivity of the unknown and the cosmopolitan moment - point to a global change in the society in the 21st century, whose priority is security. In the historical and social philosophical perspective, security is understood as a concept that encompasses integrity, inviolability, inviolability with respect to corporeality, life and property. In the context of the modern anthropological crisis, security has become the main value concept of the social political language. The logic of uniqueness gives way to the logic of ambiguity, which finds its expression in the connection of the risk society with the cosmopolitism. The “cosmopolitan moment” of the world risk society presupposes recognition of the uniqueness of the Other as an opportunity to overcome the anthropological crisis. (shrink)

Land Ethics, Multilinguistic and Multicultural Communities of the 21 Century Guido Verstraeten Satakunta University of Applied Sciences, Suomi, Finland -/- The modern society is challenged by recent migration coming all over the world. Due to the basic rational principles of the modern nation the Western countries are faced with a disentangle of the societal coherence. The Newtonian conception of space-time, the secularization of the civil society, the extraterritorial cosmopolitism and the unilinear and homogeneous conception of progress seem incompatible with (...) the conception about life and society of the new immigrants. However the original population lost the cosy link with the familiar neighbourhood to which they are supposed to belong. This feelings of alienation of the part of the autochthonic people produce adversary reactions against foreigners of any walk and vice versa. Moreover populist politic parties recuperate this situation and impose a leitkultur to the traditional political life. -/- On the contrary we suggest to adopt a new conception of space, time , civil society, care and progress. Inspired by Leopold´s landethics we suggest an ecological philosophical basis for society building, based on the Leibnizian conception of space-time, the phenomenological relationship with the territory and a broad conception of civil society including civil virtue with respect to non-human life and landscape. (shrink)

The labor philosophy is a concept formatting by reflection on practical philosophy in contemporary China and a regression from the understanding of Marx’s philosophy foundation to Marx text. That Marx’s philosophy is explained to be practical philosophy by Italian Labriola, Gramsi and Yugoslavia practice school in 20 century produced great effect on research filed of Marx’s philosophy. Practical philosophy has been rising in the study of Marx’s philosophy in China mainland since more than 20 years ago, it is the mainstream (...) discourse in philosophical circles of modern China mainland. In the study course of contemporary China practice philosophy, it general falls into four theoretical patterns: practice epistemology, practice ontology, communicative practical theory and practice materialism and they once promote the study of Chinese Marx’s philosophy effectively. Practice is the key category of Marx’s philosophy. But practice category presents gradually the trend of totalization in the study course of practice philosophy, That the practice form being presented diachronically such as material production labor, the activities of dealing with social relations and science experiment etc. is coordinated synchronically makes the historicity of practice be masked, thus the characteristic of Marx’s philosophy is weakened and the rationality problem of practice philosophy appears slowly: the practice category being totalized has not been a origin category of Marx’s philosophy. The basic connotation of practice in Marx’s philosophy is material production labor. Just on the base of labor category, Marx exploited existence theory in existentialism; Only let labor category be logic starting point can we clarify the basic characteristic of Marx’s philosophy in existentialism dimension. The paper refers to the concept of labor philosophy in order to emphasize that the labor category is the origin of Marx’s philosophy and the breakthrough of his philosophy revolution. With the logical development of labor category, we can give a new explanation on the system, contemporariness and cosmopolitism of Marx’s philosophy in order to reach a new realm of the study of Marx’s philosophy. (shrink)

Resumen Valparaíso es un ejemplo paradigmático de las crisis e inestabilidades del capitalismo y de la modernización latinoamericana durante los siglos XIX y XX. Su historia de riqueza, segregación, cosmopolitismo y decadencia, se proyecta en la escritura respecto de la ciudad, que problematizamos a partir de los conceptos de desterritorialización y extrañamiento, ya que percibimos una presencia importante de autores extranjeros y afuerinos en la producción literaria porteña. Para analizar la elaboración textual de unas subjetividades cuyos referentes y marcos culturales (...) se tensionan en Valparaíso, proponemos siete períodos: 1) de los viajeros ilustrados; 2) de los debates fundacionales; 3) del modernismo y la poesía social; 4) de las vanguardias expresionista e imaginista; 5) de la novela social; 6) de la novela del aprovinciamiento; 7) y de la poesía del exilio, en que el proceso se invierte y algunos poetas porteños escriben acerca de Valparaíso en el extranjero.Valparaíso is a paradigmatic example of Capitalism's crisis and instabilities and of Latin American modernization during the XIX and XX centuries. Its history of wealth, segregation, cosmopolitism, and decadence is projected in the writings about the city, which we problematize based on the concepts of deterritorialization and alienation, since we perceive a significant presence of foreign and outsider authors in the literary production of Valparaíso. To analyze the textual elaboration of some subjectivities whose points of reference and cultural frameworks are tensioned in Valparaíso, we propose seven periods: 1) the enlightenment travellers; 2) the foundational debates; 3) modernism and social poetry; 4) the expressionist and imaginist vanguards; 5) the social novel; 6) the provincial novel; 7) and the poetry of exile, where the process reverses and some local poets write about Valparaíso while overseas. (shrink)

These reflexions treat in a kantian sence the question whether a world wide order of peace requires a world state or must be constituted as a federale order of states. They start from freedom as an essential capability of man und a right to freedom compatible with the freedom of all others. It is shown that this right includes the right to associate with others, also to constitute states as original political communities. In consequence the right to freedom demands a (...) multitude of states and the right of states to existence. Therefor the constitution of one global state would contradict to the principle of freedom. In so far the demand "exeundum e statu naturali" must be realized by an order of federated states so that the existence of every state is mutually recognized, but on the global level the union of states has no statelike charakter and centralized coercive power. To preserve the independence of every state and the multitude of states this order must have a structure of graduate federality in the sence that the fundemental competences of states must be preserved themore the larger the arae of the union of states extends. In this respect cosmopolitism has to be developed in the frame of an order of gradually federated states. Normative practical reason and the principle of freedom does not - in spite of the demand "exeundum e statu naturali" - justify a statelike global order. (shrink)

"Evropa" je eden od motivov, ki jih je Derrida v svojih spisih najbolj kontinuirano obravnaval. V Mémoire se je ukvarjal s Husserlovim Dunajskim predavanjem iz leta 1935, k temu besedilu pa se je zopet vrnil v Voyous iz leta 2003. Pričujoči esej spremlja Derridajevo pot skozi pol stoletja in skozi različne faze: od obravnave Husserlovega prezrtja izvorov krize, evrocentrizma transcendentalne teleologije, mistifikacije monogenealogije, do opredelitev možnosti in nalog Evrope kot cap, kritike Kantovih pojmov kozmopolitizma in gostoljubja in avto-imunizacije uma. Pregled (...) se začenja z Moshosovo inačico zgodbe o posilstvu Evrope, na koncu pa vpelje referenco na skoraj neznanega nemškega filozofa Friedlanderja/Mynono , katerega Kantovsko videnje sveta pomeni vzporednico Derridajevemu alter-mondialisme.“Europe“ is one of the most continuous motives in Derrida’s writings. In his Mémoire from 1953/54, he interrogates Husserl’s Vienna lecture from 1935, and in Voyous he once again comes back to this text. The essay follows Derrida’s path through fifty years and through its different phases: Husserl’s neglect of the origins of crisis, the Eurocentrism of transcendental teleology, the mystification of monogenealogy, the possibilities and tasks of Europe as a cap, the critique of the Kantian concepts of cosmopolitism and hospitality , the auto-immunization of reason itself. The survey begins with the story of the rape of Europe in Moschos’ version, and it ends with a reference to Friedlaender/Mynona , rather unknown German philosopher, whose Kantian world vision parallels Derrida’s alter-mondialisme. (shrink)

El trabajo se propone identificar los principales objetivos y fundamentos a partir de los cuales el estoicismo antiguo ha comprendido el concepto de educación, en su ineludible vínculo con los ámbitos ético y político. Teniendo presente dicho objetivo, será nuestro propósito analizar la paideía esto..

Con el término “la patria en los zapatos”, aludía Danton al rechazo que la figura del exilio suscitaba entre los mentores de la ciudadanía moderna, en plena Revolución francesa. Ello da pie a una breve reflexión introductoria sobre la actualidad de esta figura, la cual desenmascara la vocación excluyente del estado-nación y obliga a pensar de nuevo conceptos como el de cosmopolitismo.

This paper is concerned with the problem of particularistic and objective approach to morals in the debate on global justice. The former one is usually defended by the communitarian philosophy and moderate liberal nationalism that claim for moral significance of national borders. Within this approach, patriotism is a fundamental virtue. The latter approach is presented by the cosmopolitans who apply the Rawlsian justice as fairness to the world at large. They reject moral significance of national borders and claim for equal (...) rights and obligations to all human beings regardless of their origin and nationality. This approach to global justice treats patriotism as a vice. The main aim of this essay is to analyse whether the concept of patriotism and the concept of global justice necessarily come into conflict with one other. (shrink)

Unlike the physical sciences, sociology is frequently described as an interpretative non-experimental science. Comparative epistemology sheds new light on this claim. 1. Experimentation is not a constant character of the physical sciences; 2. Experimental hypothetical-deductive reasoning, including the test of predictions, is also practicable in sociology. The argument is developed by a detailed step-wise comparison of the prediction of light ray deviation within the Sun’s gravitational field made in 1919 (physics) and the prediction of 8% cosmopolitanism of Cambridge University between (...) 1250 and 1350 (sociology). Extensive analysis of regent masters’ prosopographic notes yields the result of 9.5 percent cosmopolitanism, which is close to the theoretical prediction. Au contraire des sciences physiques, la sociologie est souvent décrite comme une science interprétative et non-expérimentale. L’épistémologie apporte un éclairage nouveau sur cette position : 1) L’expérimentation n’est pas un trait constant des sciences physiques ; 2) Le raisonnement expérimental est également applicable en sociologie. L’argument est développé en comparant en détail le test de la prédiction d’une déviation des rayons lumineux dans un champ de gravitation effectué en 1919 et le test de la prédiction d’un taux de cosmopolitisme de 8 % de l’université de Cambridge dans la période 1250-1350. Le dépouillement des notices prosopographiques des maîtres régents donne un résultat de 9,5 % proche de la prédiction théorique initiale. (shrink)

La pregunta que se hiciera Hannah Arendt en su ensayo de 1943 We refugees, sobre la significación política del refugiado, sigue teniendo actualidad en pleno siglo xxi. Acontecimientos posteriores a este ensayo tales como la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos y la propia gestación de la Unión Europea, no han logrado rectificar el primado moderno de la ciudadanía sobre la propia condición humana. Al hilo de reflexiones como las de Benjamin, Agamben y Semprún, cabe no obstante pensar la figura (...) del refugiado como germen de un nuevo universalismo y una ciudadanía sin exclusiones, liberada de restricciones nacionales. (shrink)

This volume reflects on questions of human rights in the context of globalization. The essays responding to this subject are rich and varied: they focus on legal acceptance as well as consequences of human rights with regard to social rights and the necessary protection of the environment connected or close to those rights. Another approach to the subject featured in the volume is the legal recognition and the consideration of human rights as moral rights. With concepts on universality, a new (...) cosmopolitism, cultural pluralism and perspectives on religious variants and technological advances the debate on human rights is concluded. Index / Indice I. The Foundation of Rights / El fundamento de los derechos: J. Rubio Carracedo: El legalismo occidental: un problema para la universalizacion de los derechos humanos J. A. Seoane: El caracter juridico de las leyes injustas M. Borowski: Classifying and qualifying properties of fundamental rights J. von Platz: Faith in reason: questioning practical reason as fact, norm, end, and function of human rights R. Cruft: Policy implications of the philosophical foundations of human rights Maria Gabriela Scataglini: Derechos humanos: otra mirada sobre la cuestion de su universalidad II. A New Cosmopolitism / Un nuevo cosmopolitismo: V. de P. Barreto: Derecho cosmopolita y derechos humanos Luis Fernando Barzotto: Reconocimiento y fraternidad A. R. Bernstein: Justifying universal human rights via Rawlsian public reason H. Khatchadourian: Democracy and the globalization of human rights Milagros Otero Parga: Derechos humanos y globalizacion Halim Bepari: Human rights and the United Nations Miracy B. S. Gustin: Rescate de los derechos humanos en situaciones adversas de paises perifericos III. Multiculturism and Pluralism of Values /Multiculturalidad y pluralismo de valores: M. Herrero / M. Saralegui: Dogmatismo politico y pluralismo religioso Berry Tholen: Migration, justice, and Europe's identity. The relevance of special ties for EU's migration policy C. M. Alvarez Chicano: Implicaciones de la inconmensurabilidad de los valores en la aplicacion de principios de orden etico y juridico L. Perez Conejo: Axiologia juridica y pluralismo de valores: algunas consideraciones sobre la nocion de 'inconmensurabilidad' S-I. Liu: Fundamental legal values and globalization with regard to historical experience in freedom of speech L. C. Amezua: Libertad natural y esclavitud voluntaria: reflexiones de F. Suarez sobre la esclavitud IV. Rights and Gender / Derechos y genero: J.M. Gil Ruiz: La violencia de genero en el contexto familiar y la agresion de la ciencia juridica A. Goiriena Lekue: El interes superior del/la nino/a, coparentalidad y neutralidad de genero en la atribucion de la guarda y custodia de los hijos e hijas P. Garcia Guevara: Las politicas de genero en los paises globalizados del 'Tercer Mundo' V. Technological Impact and New Generation Rights / Impacto tecnologico y nuevas generaciones de derechos: M. Ahteensuu: Understanding the precautionary principle in the light of the traditional weak-strong distinction: a critical comment Cristina Monero Atienza: Bases para una teoria de los derechos en el siglo XXI M. Kitahara: Personal data processing and business ethics: personal data processing and personal data protection in business A. D. Oliver Lalana: El lado empirico de la legitimidad comunicativa: sobre la publicidad organizativa del derecho de proteccion de datos en internet J. Ebbesson / M. Zamboni: Transbordering democracy? The case of environment protection Sagrario Moles Nieto: El impacto medioambiental de los cultivos transgenicos VI. Bioethics and Law / Bioetica y derecho: M. Cruz Diaz de Teran: Principios para una biojuridica global C. Faralli / S. Tugnoli: Bioethics between law and science: the Italian law on medically assisted procreation (Law No. 40, February 19, 2004) N. Zeegers: The working of power in communicative regulation: the case of research with human embryos J. A. Fernandez Suarez: La bioetica en la era de la globalizacion F. J. Blazqez Ruiz: Privacidad y discriminacion genetica: propuestas bioeticas y juridicas ante los desafios de un mundo globalizado. (shrink)

El presente artículo trata de recuperar, a través de la obra El cosmopolita de Fougeret de Monbron, un cosmopolitismo ilustrado de talante cínico. Un cosmopolitismo menos preocupado por el concierto de las naciones y más centrado en el viaje, en el derecho a curiosear y construirse en la atención a aquellos que son diferentes a nosotros a los que muchas veces no comprendemos, pero que, por el hecho de que constituyen el lugar del viaje, son fundamentales para configurar nuestra propia (...) identidad. (shrink)

Until recently, the prevailing view has been that moral duties to global aid can only be justified from the spirit of utilitarianism. Martha Nussbaum attempted to show that these duties can be developed from Stoic ethics. This essay shows that Nussbaum’s attempt has failed. What Nussbaum considers as stoic is in fact based on a religious myth.