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  1.  4
    Unpacking the Gender System: A Theoretical Perspective on Gender Beliefs and Social Relations.Shelley J. Correll & Cecilia L. Ridgeway - 2004 - Gender and Society 18 (4):510-531.
    According to the perspective developed in this article, widely shared, hegemonic cultural beliefs about gender and their impact in what the authors call “social relational” contexts are among the core components that maintain and change the gender system. When gender is salient in these ubiquitous contexts, cultural beliefs about gender function as part of the rules of the game, biasing the behaviors, performances, and evaluations of otherwise similar men and women in systematic ways that the authors specify. While the biasing (...)
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  2.  6
    Framed Before We Know It: How Gender Shapes Social Relations.Cecilia L. Ridgeway - 2009 - Gender and Society 23 (2):145-160.
    In this article, I argue that gender is a primary cultural frame for coordinating behavior and organizing social relations. I describe the implications for understanding how gender shapes social behavior and organizational structures. By my analysis, gender typically acts as a background identity that biases, in gendered directions, the performance of behaviors undertaken in the name of organizational roles and identities. I develop an account of how the background effects of the gender frame on behavior vary by the context that (...)
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  3.  4
    Intersecting Cultural Beliefs in Social Relations: Gender, Race, and Class Binds and Freedoms.Tamar Kricheli-Katz & Cecilia L. Ridgeway - 2013 - Gender and Society 27 (3):294-318.
    We develop an evidence-based theoretical account of how widely shared cultural beliefs about gender, race, and class intersect in interpersonal and other social relational contexts in the United States to create characteristic cultural “binds” and freedoms for actors in those contexts. We treat gender, race, and class as systems of inequality that are culturally constructed as distinct but implicitly overlap through their defining beliefs, which reflect the perspectives of dominant groups in society. We cite evidence for the contextually contingent interactional (...)
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  4. Status Hierarchies and the Organization of Collective Action.Brent Simpson, Robb Willer & Cecilia L. Ridgeway - 2012 - Sociological Theory 30 (3):149-166.
    Most work on collective action assumes that group members are undifferentiated by status, or standing, in the group. Yet such undifferentiated groups are rare, if they exist at all. Here we extend an existing sociological research program to address how extant status hierarchies help organize collective actions by coordinating how much and when group members should contribute to group efforts. We outline three theoretically derived predictions of how status hierarchies organize patterns of behavior to produce larger public goods. We review (...)
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  5.  37
    Construction of Status and Referential Structures.Joseph Berger, Cecilia L. Ridgeway & Morris Zelditch - 2002 - Sociological Theory 20 (2):157-179.
    Beliefs about diverse status characteristics have a common core content of performance capacities and qualities made up of two features: hierarchy (superior/inferior capacities) and role-differentiation (instrumental/expressive qualities). Whatever the status characteristic, its more-valued state tends to be defined as superior and instrumental, and the less-valued state tends to be defined as inferior but expressive. We account for this in terms of the typification of differences in behavioral inequalities and profiles that emerge in task oriented social interaction. Status construction theory argues (...)
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  6. Documenting the Routine Burden of Devalued Difference in the Professional Workplace.Joan C. Williams, Rachel M. Korn & Cecilia L. Ridgeway - 2022 - Gender and Society 36 (5):627-651.
    Professional workplaces that embody an “ideal worker” image that is implicitly white and male set-up persistent biases against the competence and suitability for authority of those who are not white men, forcing them to work harder to prove their competence and fit in. The added labor of coping with these burdens is largely invisible to dominant actors in the workplace who do not experience them. To facilitate change by making such burdens visible for all, we present data from a survey (...)
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