In the spirit of B. C. van Fraassen's view of science called Constructive Empiricism, we propose a scientific criterion to decide whether a concrete object is observable, as well as a coextensive scientific-philosophical definition of observability, and we sketch a rigorous account of modal language occurring in science. We claim that our account of observability solves three problems to which current accounts of observability, notably van Fraassen's own accounts, give rise. We further claim that our account of modal propositions (subjunctive (...) conditionals included), which proceeds wholly within the framework of the semantic view on scientific theories, grounds his claim that such an account is possible without relying on ‘inflationary metaphysics’, notably without postulating an infinitude of different universes besides the universe we inhabit. We thus claim to solve a fourth problem: how to give a precise nominalist account of modal language in science tailor-made for Constructive Empiricism. Introduction: Rough Guides The semantic view and the wave theory of light A scientific guide and a scientific criterion A New Rough Guide and a definition The Context Problem and Psillos' Problem Musgrave's Problem Modality without inflationary metaphysics Exitum. (shrink)

The northern frontiers of the Ottoman Empire lay across a swathe of lands between Hungary and Iran, arcing through the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, then north of the Black Sea through the steppes of southern Ukraine, and finally proceeding further east along the Caucasus Mountains as far as the Caspian Sea. In a frontier region such as the one on the northern Black Sea, where environment, human geography and historical traditions made the steppe an alien place that (...) did not readily yield to control and assimilation, the fortress was indispensable for maintaining the centre's presence. As imperial presence in such an area was anchored at and emanated from the fortress, the fortress can be seen as a prime target of a strategy aimed at learning about this frontier of the Ottoman world. (shrink)

In an article on ‘The Name of the Euxine Pontus’ in C.Q.xxxiv , pp. 123 ff., A. C. Moorhouse rejects the suggestion made by M. Vasmer and supported by Boisacq that the original Greek title ξενος was a popular rendering of the Avestan adjective αχṦαệνα, ‘of dark colour’. Moorhouse raises the following objections to this theory: i. There is no direct evidence of the Avestan adjective ever being applied to the Black Sea. ii. In historical times ‘Avestan is a (...) long way from Greek’ and in prehistorical times it is doubtful whether the speakers of Avestan had any close connexion with the Black Sea. iii. Assuming πόντος to denote ‘way’, ‘the dark way’ would be a fantastic name for any sea. iv. The early Greek form is ξενος, and only metri gratia ξεινος, whereas if the word is a loan from αχṧαēνα we should expect the phonetically closer form ξενος. (shrink)

У статті розглянуто процес розподілу Чорноморського флоту СРСР у період 1991-1997 рр. між незалежною Україною та Російською Федерацією на тлі проблеми приєднання Криму та Севастополя до УРСР 1954 р. Акцентовано увагу на неврегулюванні цього питання на міждержавному рівні. Наголошено на незмінності імперської позиції Росії щодо перегляду питання повернення Криму та Севастополя як стратегічно важливих об'єктів її зовнішньої політики в Чорноморсько-Середземноморському регіоні. Підкреслено негативне ставлення сучасних російських політиків до партійно-урядових рішень СРСР та РФРСР 1954 р. про передачу Кримської області до складу (...) Української РСР. Наведено спільні російсько-українські законодавчі акти, у яких російська сторона гарантувала й зобов'язувалась поважати територіальну цілісність і недоторканість незалежної України. (shrink)

Strong links between the cults of apoikiai and metropoleis, forging the Hellenic identity of the colonists, have long been recognised. It becomes increasingly clear that in addition, the mental world of the population of colonies was conditioned by an amalgamation of Greek and local identities. Many important cults of Greek cities in the northern Aegean and the Black Sea area, such as Abdera, Odessus, Olbia, Chersonesus, and the Cimmerian Bosporus, featured both Greek and indigenous elements, their scope and nature (...) varying from place to place. Appropriation of local gods can also be viewed as part of appropriation of the local territory and its traditions. The adaptation of Hellenic gods to the new setting and worship of local gods started at an early stage and served as a powerful cognitive mechanism establishing safe ties to the environment, mediating between different ethnic groups, and shaping people’s self-image and communal identity. The innovations in cult were often expressed by changing names or epithets of deities, emphasizing the change in their nature and functions. (shrink)

This article argues that descriptions of the Black Sea found in the Archaic poets, Herodotus, and later geographers were influenced by commercial itineraries circulated amongst Greek slave traders in the north. Drawing on an epigraphic corpus of twenty-three merchant letters from the region dating between c. 550 and 450 BCE, I contrast the travels of enslaved persons recorded in the documents with stylized descriptions found in literary accounts. This article finds that slaves took a variety of routes into—and out (...) of—slavery, and that fear of enslavement was widely felt even among Greeks. Law courts might have been as important as “barbarian” warfare in ensnaring captives for export, and even slave traders themselves risked enslavement alongside their victims. Reconstructing the travels of individual slaves allows us to pursue a study in the spirit of what Joseph C. Miller has called the “biographical turn” in the study of slavery, privileging the experiences of the enslaved over the accounts of their masters. Although the lands around the distant Black Sea were never the leading source of slaves for Aegean cities, the wealth of primary testimony from the region puts it at the forefront in the history of slavery in ancient Greece. (shrink)

Une gemme en agate peu étudiée provenant d’Anapa, datée de la période impériale, présente un grand intérêt, dans la mesure où elle diffère de la plupart des gemmes magiques par sa forme sphérique, sa grande taille et son contenu : elle commence par une référence aux rituels traditionnels grecs d’expulsion et se termine par une liste des parties de la tête humaine semblable à celle que l’on trouve dans un manuel médical hippocratique. La gemme ne serait pas une amulette, comme (...) les éditeurs précédents l’ont supposé, mais plutôt un manuel miniature contenant des instructions pour la fabrication d’amulettes. (shrink)

Since my article in C.Q. xli, pp. 86 ff., a further discussion of the problem has come to my notice. H. Jacobsohn, in an article entitled Σκνθικ in Zeitschr. f. vergleichende Sprachforschung, liv, pp. 254 ff., anticipates my point that the Greek ᾊξενƿς is borrowed not from Avestan but from some other Iranian language, probably Scythian. He also makes outan attractive case, based on the word παφδεισ¿ς, for considering the Iranian pronunciation at the period when the loan occurred to have (...) been αχšēna, with ē from original ai. It is unfortunate that he should have supported his case with the argument that a form αχšaina is too remote from Greek ξειν¿ς for the identification to have taken place: this insistence on complete homonymy in folk-etymology I have already criticized in discussing Moorhouse's article; and in any case it is by no means certain that ξεινႿς is the earliest form of the name in Greek. (shrink)

This book investigates the chaotic end of the Bronze Age in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean through the lens of Homeric poetry, with an emphasis on the description of piratical activities described in the Odyssey’s “Second Cretan Lie,” and on the impact of revolutionary seafaring technology in this watershed period in Mediterranean history.

Nineteenth-century investigations of the deep sea provide a case study for black box science. Naturalists were forced to theorize about a space for which they had no direct sensory observations. This study traces the emergence of bathymetry and deep-sea biology and then analyzes how men of science dealt with the uncertainty associated with their black box practices. I argue that these investigators created multiple types of black boxes based on their uncertainties and that these black boxes (...) did not operate equivalently. Consequently, scholars should be aware of the different categories of black boxes when they describe scientific practices. (shrink)

Higher education institutions have access to higher volumes and a greater variety and granularity of student data, often in real-time, than ever before. As such, the collection, analysis and use of student data are increasingly crucial in operational and strategic planning, and in delivering appropriate and effective learning experiences to students. Student data – not only in what data is collected, but also how the data is framed and used – has material and discursive effects, both permanent and fleeting. We (...) have to critically engage claims that artificial intelligence and the ever expansive/expanding systems of algorithmic decision-making provide speedy, accessible, revealing, panoramic, prophetic and smart analyses of students' risks, potential and learning needs. We need to pry open the black boxes higher education institutions use to admit, steer, predict and prescribe students’ learning journeys. (shrink)