8 found
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  1.  5
    Factive islands and meaning-driven unacceptability.Bernhard Schwarz & Alexandra Simonenko - 2018 - Natural Language Semantics 26 (3):253-279.
    It is often proposed that the unacceptability of a semantically interpretable sentence can be rooted in its meaning. Elaborating on Oshima New frontiers in artificial intelligence, Springer, Berlin, 2007), we argue that the meaning-driven unacceptability of factive islands must make reference to felicity conditions, and cannot be reduced to the triviality of propositional content. We also observe, again elaborating on Oshima, that the triviality of factive islands need not be logical, but can be relative to a listener’s background assumptions. These (...)
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  2.  63
    Scalar Additive Particles in Negative Contexts.Bernhard Schwarz - 2005 - Natural Language Semantics 13 (2):125-168.
  3.  8
    Proportional readings of many and few: the case for an underspecified measure function.Alan Bale & Bernhard Schwarz - 2020 - Linguistics and Philosophy 43 (6):673-699.
    In the so-called reverse proportional reading :53, 1997), the truth conditions of statements of the form many/few \\ appear to make reference to the ratio of the individuals that are in the extensions of both \ and \ to the individuals that are in the extension of \. The analysis of such readings is controversial. One prominent approach assumes they are a symptom of many and few making reference to a context dependent standard of comparison. We observe that this initially (...)
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  4.  6
    Proportional readings of many and few: the case for an underspecified measure function.Alan Bale & Bernhard Schwarz - 2020 - Linguistics and Philosophy 43 (6):673-699.
    In the so-called reverse proportional reading :53, 1997), the truth conditions of statements of the form many/few \\ appear to make reference to the ratio of the individuals that are in the extensions of both \ and \ to the individuals that are in the extension of \. The analysis of such readings is controversial. One prominent approach assumes they are a symptom of many and few making reference to a context dependent standard of comparison. We observe that this initially (...)
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  5.  1
    Proportional readings of many and few: the case for an underspecified measure function.Alan Bale & Bernhard Schwarz - 2020 - Linguistics and Philosophy 43 (6):673-699.
    In the so-called reverse proportional reading :53, 1997), the truth conditions of statements of the form many/few \\ appear to make reference to the ratio of the individuals that are in the extensions of both \ and \ to the individuals that are in the extension of \. The analysis of such readings is controversial. One prominent approach assumes they are a symptom of many and few making reference to a context dependent standard of comparison. We observe that this initially (...)
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  6.  24
    Reduced Conditionals in German: Event Quantification and Definiteness. [REVIEW]Bernhard Schwarz - 1998 - Natural Language Semantics 6 (3):271-301.
    This paper investigates German conditionals that are reduced in the sense that their consequent clauses lack a verb and possibly more material. Focusing on readings in which conditionals quantify over events, it is shown that there are a number of semantic contrasts between reduced conditionals and their non-reduced versions. These contrasts are derived in a unified way from a hypothesis as to how the truth conditions of a reduced conditional relate to those of its non-reduced version. This hypothesis is in (...)
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  7.  50
    Parasitic Degree Phrases.Jon Nissenbaum & Bernhard Schwarz - 2011 - Natural Language Semantics 19 (1):1-38.
    This paper investigates gaps in degree phrases with too, as in John is too rich [for the monastery to hire ___ ]. We present two curious restrictions on such gapped degree phrases. First, the gaps must ordinarily be anteceded by the subject of the associated gradable adjective. Second, when embedded under intensional verbs, gapped degree phrases are ordinarily restricted to surface scope, unlike their counterparts without gaps. Just as puzzlingly, we show that these restrictions are lifted when there is overt (...)
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  8. Monotonicity Revisited: Mass Nouns and Comparisons of Purity.Alan Bale, Bernhard Schwarz & David Shanks - 2022 - Journal of Semantics 38 (4):681-708.
    Comparatives with more plus mass noun, like John has more milk than Bill, are naturally analyzed as referencing measure functions, functions like volume or weight that map individuals to degrees. Although such measure functions vary with context as well as the choice of mass noun, there are well known grammatical limitations on this variation. In particular, Schwarzschild proposes that only monotonic measure functions can enter into the interpretation of comparatives with more plus mass noun. While this Monotonicity Constraint has strong (...)
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