Ongeveer vijf weken na de start van de jacht op Jürgen Conings, de Belgische beroepsmilitair gezocht omwille van het bedreigen van viroloog Marc Van Ranst en andere prominente doelwitten, vond men zijn stoffelijk overschot terug in het Dilserbos, Dilsen-Stokkem. Ook na zijn dood – Conings overleed hoogstwaarschijnlijk door zelfmoord – blijft de zaak Conings het Belgische sociaal-politieke landschap beroeren en de publieke opinie verdelen: de mate van steun die Conings de afgelopen weken kreeg, toont nog maar eens aan dat extreemrechts (...) een serieus maatschappelijk probleem is in België, waarvan de reikwijdte bovendien maar al te vaak miskend wordt. (shrink)

This article tries to answer two questions : 1) How does the cooperation between the Belgian and Flemish government work within the field of multilateral policy?; 2) How is the multilateral policy of the Belgian federation and the Flemish government received at the multilateral level? The Belgian constitution has foreseen a system in which all governments are equal. This has important consequences for Belgian delegations in multilateral fora : in 'mixed' dossiers, no government has decisive power. Thus, all Belgian governments (...) are objective allies in guarding the externally projected image of the federation. Nevertheless, this seems to be a 'grey area' in the cooperation among the various Belgian governments. (shrink)

Since 1965 Belgian has stopped recognizing governments confining itself to the recognition of states only and maintaining diplomatie relations with the recognized states through wathever government able of exercising effective controle of those states' territory. Nota single exception to this doctrine was made untill 1979.In 1979 however Belgium refused to recognize the government installed in Phnom Penh following the Vietnamese intervention. One year later it also stopped recognizing the Khmer Rouge. In the UN however Belgium went on to accept the (...) Khmer Rouge delegation as the representatives of Cambodia, a state thus being represented by a delegation accredited by an entity that Belgium did not consider to be a government. This contradiction was maintained untill present since neither the coalition between the Khmer Rouge, Sihanouk and Son Sann nor the Supreme National Council were regarded by Belgium as governments.The article reconstructs the Belgium position out of the many statements and arguments the government bas put forward in the UN and the Belgian Parliament. The Belgian position is than examined in the light of international law, its own recognition doctrine and the international and domestic political context.This led to the conclusion that the legal grounds for the Belgian policy were rather weak and that its position almost completly differred from its traditional doctrine. In the Cambodian case however political considerations appeared to have prevailed Belgium chose to join the US, China and Asean and manoeuvred as to follow them in their condemnation of the Vietnamese intervention. Acting even as one of the most faithfull followers of the Asean policy towards Cambodia, Belgium enjoyed the improvement of its own relations with Asean, also in the commercial field.The continuous domestic opposition in and out of the Parliament was not able to change this policy. Even the present Minister of Foreign Alf airs who declared to be inclined to adjust the Belgian position had to hold back in order not to affect the esthablised relations. (shrink)

The article gives a review of inedited sources dealing with the Belgian contribution to European integration in the years 1945-1955. Such sources are kept in the Algemeen Rijksarchief, in the Parliament, various ministerial departments, the Navorsings- en Studiecentrum voor de Geschiedenis van de Tweede Wereldoorlog, study centres of the major political parties, a number of non-governmental organizations as well as the private archives of a number of politicians.

Before the so-called 'bill Moureaux ', the health insurance policy in Belgium was contracted out by the government to the health workers and the health funds. Also in other sectors, government contracted out. This subsidiarity has advantages and disadvantages. Especially because of the unbearable budgetary excesses, this situation started to change since the beginning of the eighties, starting with the hospital sector. In the early nineties, the management of the sickness insurance also went through some radical changes. The budgetary envelope (...) is now mainly established by those who finance the system, e.g. the government and the social partners, who must take their responsibilities. In this new perception, all partners must be made truly accountable.Government must pass on statistic material in order to be able to pursue a well-informed policy. It must also crank up some social debates, namely about the demographic ageing.Health funds and organisations of physicians need a further democratization. The health funds must accomplish at the same time several functions: pressure group, service and consumer defence. (shrink)

Belgian municipalities rely heavily on surcharges on national income taxes as a source of income. In a context offederal government, such taxes create "fiscal externalities": decisions at one level of government affect the welfare at other levels. We focus on one such interdependency: EC-civil servants are not subject to national incame taxation. We show that this federal decision has far reaching budgetary effectsfor the municipalities where these people reside. Apart from its budgetary impact, this situation also baspolitical and social relevance.

1. De jezuïten -- 4. Een zwerm getuigen -- 5.-6. De filosofie van Leuven -- 7. Op zoek naar zijn en zin -- 8. Katholieken en hun filosofie.

Gender quota do not always go hand in hand with a considerable rise in the number of women elected. Although the number of fe/male representatives elected depends on several factors, we argue that the stipulations of gender quota acts influence to a large extent their impact on the sex ratios in politics. This is not so much due to the share of fe/male candidates parties have to present than to the extent to which a gender quota act anticipates the particularities (...) of the electoral system. A comparative analysis of three prominent cases, the Argentinean, Belgian and French gender quota acts, shows that the more a gender quota rule targets at the specificities of the electoral system in order to promote a gender balance in political representation, the more this rule 'guarantees' a result, even though gender quota acts concern but the input side of the electoral process. (shrink)

Based on a extensive computation of power capabilities, the position of Belgium in international politics can reliably be assessed. Belgium belongs to a first stratum of followers states. Its best functional fields are international economie relations and those concerning science and technology. A globalisation of all functional fields runs at the expense of its international position.A splitting up of the country would relegate the emerging states, Flanders and Wallonia, to the second more numerous stratum of still less powerfull followers. Whereas (...) a politically unified Europe would mean a participation on a consickrably more powerful level. (shrink)

The great promises that "Statistik" yielded in the 19th century in Belgium, did not materialise. At least as far as political statistics are concerned. In the second half of the 20th century the output was rather limited and thus very incomplete, not very professionally conceived and elaborated, disorderly provided, strongly related to an outrunned institutional approach and thus quite conservative in its orientation, veiled in inaccurate categories with the static view rather dominant. Therefore, starting from a global approach of the (...) 3 P's, a rebuilding is necessary. This should provide for an inventory of existing statistical data and -above all -a masterplan to achieve a straightforward view on the 3 P's in Belgium: polity, politics and policy. A polyarchy has the right and the need to in depth information that is as complete as feasible. Statistics are very handy tools to provide this information to both policymakers and citizens. (shrink)

On the 16th of May 2002, the Belgian House of Representatives approved of a Bill on euthanasia. Belgium is now the second country in the world, next to the Netherlands, that has legislation which under certain conditions legitimizes euthanasia. In this article the Belgian legislative procedure on euthanasia is looked upon from a political point of view. To be able do so first of all the legal context on euthanasia before the new bill was approved of has to be discussed. (...) Then the political history of the process of legal change with regard to euthanasia is analysed from 1980 onwards. And finally the Belgian process of legal change on this subject is compared with the process of legal change in the Netherlands. (shrink)

Many factors have a restraining influence on the decision making and the dynamical function of foreign policy. Next to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, there are the Undersecretary for Foreign Trade and the Undersecretary for Development Co-operation. As a result, there is no continuity in policy making. The division of competences is even problematic for the administration.Since 1980, the communities also have international competences, for instance to ratify treaties. These competences are legal and constitutional, although the Central Government tries to (...) cut them down. The strict application of the legal and constitutional prescriptions should undoubtedly simplify the problems. (shrink)

Ten years after the first effort, this second article compares a number of english political science publications about Belgium. Twenty-five contributions are questioned on two grounds. First, what is their information value for a non-Belgian audience. Except for a few striking factual errors, the quality of the books and articles ranges from reasonable toexcellent. The second question, on the surplus value for Belgians themselves, provides a less optimistic image. There is evidence of very little theory building activities in this last (...) decade. The key-authors of theprevious period do not have successors. Also, in contrast to the earlier period, the « politics of accommodation » and « pillarization » issues are abandoned in nearly exclusive favor of the language problem. Monotony has taken the place of diversity. (shrink)