In order for the Islamic message to be delivered to people, The Prophet (pbuh) and his companions have made great efforts. A great part of the companions (ashab) were not in the places where they lived after death of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). They have made enormous sacrifices by abandoning their homeland in order to bring Islam to different lands/intercounty. Especially the second Khalif Omer period has passed with the struggles against the two great states of the time, Sasani and (...) Byzantine. In this period, Muslims conquered many places such as Palestine, Egypt, Damascus, Hama, Aleppo, Antakya, Rakka and Urfa. Thus, the Islamic armies came to Anatolia. One of the companion who participated in the activities of conquest actively is Iyâz b. Ghanm who died in 20/641. Iyâz b. Ghanm who was brought to the governor of al-Cezîrah by Khalif Omer has conquered many places such as Nusaybin, Dârâ, Sincar, Meyyâfarikîn (Silvan) and Mardin and he has been conducive in meeting the region with Islam. Thus, in a time that could be counted as short as seven years from the death of the Prophet, the Islamic message reached remote geographies. The aim of this study is to give information about Iyâz b. Ghanm, who was at the head of the army that conquered the al-Jazeera region and to determine whether there are narrations that are personally transmitted from him or that it is included in isnad. As can be seen when the narrative literature is researched, some hadiths narrated by Iyâz b. Ghanm are in the following hadith sources: Sahîh-Bukhârî and Ibn Hibbân; Şuabu’l-Îmân and Sunan al-Kubrâ-Beyhakî; Musned-Ebû Ya’lâ and Ahmed b. Hanbel; al-Mu’cam al-Kebîr-Taberânî. Determination of these narratives will reveal the contribution of the Islamic commander, who has a significant place in the memory of the inhabitants of al-Jazeera region and the adjacent surroundings, to the hadith. (shrink)

Öz: Bu çalışmama İslam’da bireyin kamuya karşı sorumluluk alanı ile bağlantılı bir ilkesini; “Emr-i bi’l- Ma’ruf ve Nehyi Ani’l-Münker”i İslam İnanç Ekolleri içerisinde nasıl algılandığını ve nasıl uygulandığını ele alacaktır. Bundaki amacım birey- kamu ilişkisinde, bireyin özgürlük alanlarının ihmal edildiği yönündeki varsayımımdır. Bu girişten sonra, çalışmada İslam inanç ekollerinin konuya ilişkin yaklaşımları ve bu yaklaşımlarına kaynak teşkil eden metinlere yer verilecektir. Çalışmamızda ekollerin kronolojik tarihlerini göz önünde bulunduran bir sıralama takip edeceğiz. Bundaki amacımız özellikle “Emr-i bi’l- Ma’ruf ve Nehyi Ani’l- (...) Münker” ilkesinin ekollerde ele alınışının erken dönem İslam Siyasal Tarihi ile önemli oranda bir ilişkisi olduğu anlayışımız sebebiyledir. İslam siyaset kuramının birlikte yaşam, özgürlük ve adalet iddia ve idealleri çerçevesinde konuya İslam teolojik mezhepleri yakın ilgi göstermişlerdir. Ekollerin “Emr-i bi’l-Ma’ruf ve Nehyi Ani’l-Münker” ilkesine yoğun ilgilerine karşın, farklı yaklaşımlar gösterdikleri de söylenebilir. İslam geleneği içerisinde bu kurucu ilke birey özgürlüğü ve kamu düzeni arasındaki gerilimler nedeniyle politik yorumları da beraberinde getirmiştir. “Haricî” ekoller her bir Müslüman için gereken bir sorumluluk olarak yorumlamış ve “ayn-i vacib” olduğunu dile getirmişlerdir. Diğer ekoller ise bu ilkeyi ” kifa-i bir vucûb” olarak kabul etmişlerdir. Diğer yandan Mu’tezile ekolü bu ilkeyi usulu’l-hamse’ den biri olarak kabul etmiştir. İslam siyaset geleneğinin önemli bileşenlerinden olan ilke mezhepler arasında farklı uygulamalara konu olmuştur. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to reveal how the phenomenon of religious conversion is handled in Turkish epics, what causes religious conversion are based, and what situations arise for the individual who religious conversion. Examining the reflections of this phenomenon in epics is important in terms of understanding the approach of the individual and society in the classical period to religious conversion, which is a remarkable issue in our age. The phenomenon of religious conversion, which is as old as (...) human history, has been observed throughout Turkish history in both individual and mass examples. The phenomenon of religious conversion is also depicted in Turkish and world epics, including the Persian variant of the Oghuz Khagan Epic, one of the oldest Turkish epics. In this article, religious conversion events in the Kyrgyz and Uzbek epics, Manas, Gülgaakı, Canış-Bayış, Şeyh San'an, and Alpamış, were examined. The reasons for religious conversion in these epics include dreams, love, existential quests, suggestions, miracles, and being defeated by a Muslim. The epics were analyzed in terms of changing names, circumcision of men, marriage of women, teaching of religion, financial contribution/employment, and placement regarding the situations caused by religious conversion. The stories of Almambet, Gülgaakı, and Şeyh San'an provide details about the relationship of converts with their old and new societies. This study, which has the characteristics of a literary analysis, uses the Comparative Text Analysis Method to reveal attitudes and behaviors related to religious conversion in epics. The research was limited to the Kyrgyz and Uzbek epics, and the sample was selected from the epics in which religious conversion cases of these peoples were evident. (shrink)

William Booth, the founder of the Salvation Army, initially preached in Methodist Churches, later left this position and formed a social and religious formation called the "Christian Mission". This movement was named "Salvation Army" in 1878. The Salvation Army, organized in many countries, has established nursing homes for elderly, women and children and continues to attract attention and increase its reputation both locally and internationally with aid organizations, rehabilitation of prisoners, natural disasters, fight against human trafficking and aid to refugees. (...) In every region where The Salvation Army is located, there is an administrative centre known as the regional headquarters. Headquarters are headed by the district commander at the international headquarters in London. Smaller districts are run by colonels, larger districts by commissars. Resembling the Catholic Church due to its episcopal structure, the Salvation Army accepts the same beliefs as this church at the point of belief. Although the movement has also the appearance of a Protestant and evangelical church, it approaches the sacraments from a different aspect. In this research, the history, organizational structure, activities, belief principles and practices of the Salvation Army have been tried to be revealed. Descriptive, comparative and chronological methods have been used while conveying the aforementioned issues in order of importance. In addition, the literature was scanned and various sources belonging to the emergence period of the Salvation Army and especially those belonging to them were examined. (shrink)

A large body of research has indicated international students in the United States and abroad experience difficulties understanding what academic integrity is and how to avoid academic misconduct, 159–172 2011; Brown & Howell, 2001; Gullifer and Tyson Studies in Higher Education, 39, 1202-1218 2014). While most studies focus on academic misconduct and academic corruption in research ethics, 339-358 2014), this study analyzes the length, English-language readability, and translation of academic integrity policies of 453 four-year U.S. institutions of higher education. Findings (...) indicate average academic integrity policies are over 2000 words long, are written above the 16th-grade reading level, and are very rarely translated into a language other than English. In addition, no institutions published their academic integrity policies in full on their institutional international student website, possibly rendering the policy difficult to locate on the institution’s website for international students. Implications for research, policy, and practice are addressed. (shrink)

Bu çalışma İstanbul’da faaliyette bulunan motor-kuryelerin çalışma koşulları, ücret düzeyleri, yasal hakları, iş kazası ve meslek hastalıkları ve karşılaşılan ayrımcılıkların araştırılması amaçlanmıştır. Bu amaçla, 20 motor-kurye ile yarı yapılandırılmış mülakat tekniğiyle görüşmeler gerçekleştirilmiştir. Yapılan görüşmeler sonucunda, motor-kuryelik mesleğinde esnaf ve bordrolu olmak üzere ikili bir yapı oluştuğu; katılımcıların %68’i esnaf, %37’si ise bordrolu olarak çalıştığı görülmektedir. Bordrolu çalışan motor-kuryelerin ücretli izin hakkı bulunurken; esnaf kuryelerin tamamının ücretli izin haklarının olmadığı, %61’ inin ise sosyal güvenceye sahip olmadığı tespit edilmiştir. Katılımcıların %69’u (...) haftada 6 gün çalışırken, %31’i haftada 7 gün çalışmaktadır. Katılımcıların %16’ısı haftalık 45-66 saat arası, %84’ü 67 saat ve üstü çalışmaktadır. Motor-kuryelikte ücretin belirlenmesinde kıdem ya da niteliğin etkili olmadığı, dağıtılan paket sayısının ücreti belirlediği tespit edilmiştir. Bordrolu çalışanların 8.500 TL ile 12.750 TL aralığında ücret kazandıkları, esnaf kurye modelinde ise çoğunluğun 12.750 TL ile 17.000 TL aralığında ücret kazandıkları Esnaf kuryelerin bordrolu kuryelere göre daha fazla gelir elde ettiği görülse de bunun hem daha fazla çalışmadan hem de sigorta primlerinin ödenmemesinden kaynaklandığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Hızlı ve sıcak teslimata ilişkin reklamların kuryelik mesleğinin insani yönünü ortadan kaldırdığı ve kuryelerde dışlanma hissi oluşturduğu tespit edilmiştir. Son olarak, motor-kuryelerin; trafikte, teslimat sırasında ya da sitelerde en az bir kere ayrımcılığa maruz kaldıklarını belirtmektedir. (shrink)

Do basic human values facilitate prosocial behaviour on a global scale? This study, for the first time, analyzes the effect of values on prosocial behaviour in the context of public support for foreign development assistance. Support for foreign development assistance is a prosocial act intended to benefit the less fortunate in developing nations. Despite a plethora of evidence showing the effect of personal values on prosocial behaviour, the literature has neglected the value origins of support for development assistance. I argue (...) that personal values play a crucial role in shaping individuals’ support for foreign development assistance. Using data from nationally representative samples covering 11 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development countries, I show that self-transcendence and openness to change values, as defined by Schwartz’ theory of values, are reliable predictors of support for foreign development assistance. By linking human values to foreign development aid, this study expands the purview of values research to the domain of global governance and opens up new avenues of interdisciplinary inquiry that apply theories of values to different dimensions of world affairs. (shrink)

Şiâ’nın temel inanç ilkelerinden biri olan ricʿat doktrini potansiyel olarak radikal yorumlara olanak sunmaktadır. Ricʿat inanışının arka planında gaybet anlayışı ve ona yüklenen insan üstü özel mana son derece hayati öneme sahiptir. Şiîlik içerisinde günümüze ulaşan ve Şiîlerin büyük çoğunluğunu oluşturan İmamiyye ya da On iki İmam (İsnâ aşeriyye) Şiîliğine göre, on ikinci imam Muhammed b. el-Hasan, 941 yılında büyük gaybete gitmiştir. Bu doktrinle, gizli imamın bir gün geri döneceğine, zulüm ve haksızlıklarla dolu olan tüm dünyayı adaletle hükmedeceğine ve refaha (...) ulaştıracağına inanılır. Esasında ricʿat inanışıyla ilgili ortaya atılan iddiaları daha erken dönemlere götürmek mümkündür. İslam tarihinin erken dönemlerinde, Ali b. Ebi Talib (ö. 40/661) ve oğlu Hüseyin (ö. 61/680) gibi önemli şahsiyetlerin ölümsüzlüğünü iddia eden bazı radikal mezhepler (gulât) ortaya çıkmıştır. Onuncu yüzyıl da yine Şiîler arasında gaybette olduğuna ve tüm insanlığa rehberlik etmek üzere bir gün yeniden ortaya çıkacağına inanılan gizli imam Muhammed b. el-Hasan'ın dönüşüne dair bu tür iddialara sahne olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Şiâ içerisinde ortaya çıkmış üç alt grup olan Nusayrîler, Dürzîler ile Bâbî ve Bahâîler’in ricʿat doktrinine yükledikleri anlam incelenmektedir. İlk ikisi eş zamanlı olarak onuncu yüzyılda, Bâbî ve Bahâîler ise on dokuzuncu yüzyılda ortaya çıkmıştır. Ricʿat doktrinine yaklaşımda bâb kavramının aracılık görevini üstlendiğini ifade etmek gerekir. Nusayrî fırkasının kurucusu Muhammed b. Nusayr en-Nemîrî (ö. 270/883), kendisini on birinci ve on ikinci imama açılan kapı olarak ilan ederek ricʿat doktrinine ezber bozan bir yaklaşım ortaya koymuştur. Buna ilaveten, tanrının ruhunun Hz. Ali’nin bedeninde zuhur ettiği, sonrasında da bu ruhun on ikinci imama gelinceye kadar imamların bedenlerine intikal ettiği inancı yayılmıştır. Dürzîler bâb kavramından ziyade doğrudan Hakim Biemrillah’ın ulûhiyyetine odaklanmışlardır. Bâbî ve Bahâîler ise bâb kavramı temel olmak üzere mehdilik ve yeni bir din olma iddiasıyla ricʿat doktrinini te’vil etmişlerdir. Özellikle Nusayrî ve Dürzîler ricʿat inanışını yorumlayarak bunu hulûl ve tenasühe dönüştürmüşlerdir. Bâbî ve Bahâîler ise nübüvvet vazifesinin Hz. Muhammed ile son bulduğu inanışını reddederek ricʿat anlayışını nübüvvete dönüştürmüşlerdir. Böylece onlar, önceki dinlerin hükümlerini ortadan kaldıran yeni bir din olma iddiasında bulunmaktadırlar. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Şiîlik içerisinden neş’et ederek ortaya çıkmış yukarda adı geçen mezheplerin ricʿat doktrinine nasıl yaklaştıklarını ve bu olguyu ne olarak yorumladıklarını ortaya koymaktır. (shrink)

At the present time, when we are experiencing one of the extraordinary conditions in which the basics of life are shaken, exceptional practices concerning the sources of the meaning of the world of life have become one of the urgent issues for the sociology of religion to consider. This study discusses the reactions of people to the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the regularity of social life in the early stages in the framework of Muslim religious groups. Since the (...) forms of social organization reveal reactions in their own specific forms, a research design that considers the differences were preferred. The provision that ‘man is social by nature,’ which is the indispensable principle of social sciences, has been the main feature of important issues to elaborate in the restrictions of today’s pandemic. Religious socialization, which is important for the inquiry, is a phenomenon that is desired to be carried out on a continuous basis. Its performative dimension draws attention to important elements that affect the formation and the social ontology of the group, such as consciousness and solidarity. While some religious groups insist on face-to-face interaction and rituals, some of them prefer to use effectively digital tools and channels. This differing approach has become a public issue, especially during the pandemic process. On the other hand, there is a discussion in the context of the digital world of new media tools and the travel possibilities of transportation technology. The theoretical basis of this study, which deals with the insistence of religious groups on face-to-face interaction and rituals is represented from the scope of Erving Goffman. His analyzes face-to-face communication and his comments emphasizing the ritualistic nature of daily life are operationalized through two basic case studies: the first case is the persistence and practice of Tablīghī Djamā‘at, in its annual meetings in the early days of the pandemic. The discussion started with the practice of the religious group in Delhi (Nizamuddin Markaz), since they did not cancel their annual meeting despite the diagnosis of the disease. The second case is based on the ritual insistence of pilgrims in visiting shrines in the Iranian city of Qom. The insistence of the Shiite Islamic understanding on ritual and pilgrimage and the solidarity built with the consciousness based on it is a well-known phenomenon. In the Covid-19 pandemic, the risk of contamination caused by the mobility of the pilgrims coming to the city of Qom from countries such as Pakistan was discussed, as well as the contact and social distance during the Hajj. Two cases were handled with a qualitative design including case analysis method and descriptive analysis technique. The main purpose and intended contribution of the article are to reveal the insistence of face-to-face interaction through the performative based on rituals as an analytical explanatory on the social level. Inferences based on the analysis of religious groups’ response to restrictions in times of emergency build the importance of the issue. Case information identified in the context of the case study shows that groups with traditional interaction forms insist on their own practice in the field of uncertainty and initiative. Unless necessity eliminates the initiative, the determination of this insistence of traditional religious groups is not only theological but also ontological confirmation. It is understood that the members of the group took the initiative to represent their reputation within the group and their extent to dedicate to the group. The fact that Tablīghī Djamā‘at, the largest group of the transnational Islamic da‘wa (call), did not give up on a method based on demographic mobility, has been a matter of discussion. The insistence of the group is because of the methods that require every ordinary believer to accept to convey the da‘wa as his primary duty. On the other hand, Shiism, which stands out with its traditional structure and ritual intensity in the Islamic world, insisted on the initiative process in the pilgrimage phenomenon, on which it attached special importance and built its solidarity and identity on this phenomenon. This insistence aims preserving the dynamics and social ontology of the religious group in the performance of the membership system. Essentially, the individual in the group insists on his position in face-to-face interaction because having a role in a group also means having a face. Thus, this insistence performance by religious groups should also be read as a reflection of self-technologies. In the final analysis, the insistence put forward should be considered essentially in relation to the insistence on the position in social ontology. (shrink)

One of the issues of discussion between Ahl al-Sunnah and the Mu‛tazila, who differ in many issues, is the relationship between divine command and divine will. Among those who express their opinion on is the Ash‛arī theologian Salmān al-Nīsābūrī. The author, who first cites his sect’s approach on this issue and then explains that Mu‛tazila’s contrary view, adopted the view that the belief, which follows as worship and good deeds commanded by Allah will be the same from his servants. In (...) this matter he basically elaborates three arguments the Mu‛tazila. He states that they build the first of these proofs on the impossibility of the commandment and the will being in a separate direction, and secondly on the fact that the desire for evil is bad. Finally, he adds that they bring evidence from the verses which translates as Allah desires the good of his servants and doesn’t intend his evil deeds. Nīsābūrī, doesn’t pass on these Mu‛tazilite proofs with an immediate answer, but also puts on his agenda possible other objections to those answers that he is giving. He makes the debate very comprehensive, especially on the first evidence he attributes to them. In this sense, he tries to refute the Mu‛tazila argument that the ruler cannot have a will contrary to what he ordered, based on some other rulers who would not want their orders to be fulfilled. Nīsābūrī, who cites some other objections on this issue, states that while there are claims regarding the necessity of order-will harmony, it isn’t consistent that these claimants develop their objections to the examples that show the opposite of their views. In other words, he says that these regarding cases invalidate Mu‛tazila’s claim of necessity. Nīsābūrī includes abrogation in the later stages of the debate and argues that abrogation, which means the abolition of a decree, hits a blow to their understanding of the necessity of order-will. The author also takes objections to his agenda and responds to them. He also examines Mu‛tazila’s approach on the content that if the will is contrary to the order, the rebel and the submissive will be confused, so they must be compatible. Since this claim confirms the meaning that the unbelievers obey Allah’s will with their blasphemy, he makes explanations that obedience will be achieved by order, not by will. On the other hand, the author tries to bind his interlocutors by emphasizing that there’s no room for discussion when it is seen at the relevant verses and seen that Allah doesn’t wish (some) unbelievers to believe. Nīsābūrī, also examines the argument made by Mu‛tazila as to the necessity of conformity between divine command and divine will, that wishing for evil is also evil. Nīsābūrī, who makes relatively more concise explanations on this subject, pointing to the source of this evidence and stating that it is reached from the realm of the perceptible (qiyas bi’l-shāhid). Then, he makes some explanations that the visible realm and the invisible realm cannot be evaluated in the same way and draws attention to the fact that Allah’s being unwise isn’t inferred from the worldly affairs that are happening against Muslims. Nīsābūrī also deals with Mu‛tazila’s evidence for the harmony of divine will and divine order through verses stating that Allah wouldn’t wish his servants to harm. At this stage, he makes comments that the relevant verses are suitable to be evaluated in another way. For this, sometimes makes linguistic explanations, sometimes refers to the content of other verses, and sometimes points to the meaning of the verse used as the evidence. In all of them, he ultimately tries to show that the verses raised by Mu‛tazila do not support their claim. While the author refutes those evidences, he also points out the problems that may arise if the view defended by Mu‛tazila would accepted. In this sense, Nīsābūrī points out that this view will also mean the occurrence of deeds that Allah does not want, and this would bring harm to the divine judgement. As a result, Nīsābūrī underlines that at least Allah’s order towards His servants, whom He knows won’t believe, isn’t in the same direction. (shrink)

Imām Māturīdī, who is one of the symbolic names of Ahl as-Sunnah kalām and draws attention with his original ideas and striking determinations, revealed his views regarding kalām in his works called Kitāb al-tawhīd and Ta’wīlāt. Although the first one is in the field of kalām and the other is in the field of tafsīr, the second one has gained the identity of a work in which he declared many theological views. One of the theological issues in which his tafsīr (...) is the primary authority is the imamate and accordingly the companions. The Shīʿa’s making the imamate a part of the Islamic belief system and the takfı̄r of companions, who have a key role in this matter, paved the way for Ahl as-Sunnah theologians to put this issue on their agenda, so the issue has now become a matter of belief in its relevant dimension. The imagination of the companions, which took its place as a sub-topic of the imamate issue in the theological field, also entered the works of the theologians who expressed their views in this field, and a structure was formed that would respond to the perceptions of the Shīʿa, some other theological sects and some personalities that demean companions. Imām Māturīdī, who is undoubtedly one of the most important stones of Ahl as-Sunnah, also explained the subject with different dimensions and made statements that placed the companions in the position they deserved. Although Māturīdī did not reveal the concept of imamate and, accordingly, the companions in his theological work, he made some suggestions. He made important explanations on this issue in his tafsīr. The theologians, in their works in this field, highlighted the issues related to the companions, and whatever issues they touched on this matter, he often mentioned them in his tafsīr. Although there are partial differences in the subjects that Imām Māturı̄dı̄ concentrates on or comes into contact with due to the fact that he reveals his views mostly in his work of tafsīr rather than theology, the results he reached overlapped with the theologians. Imām Māturı̄dı̄ made explanations on the subject that can be grouped under headings such as the superior characteristics of the companions, the attitude to be developed towards them, the answer to the Shiite perception of the companions, the claims of conflict and struggles among the companions, and finally, evaluating them in accordance with their positions. Among these, the second title was mostly usūl-i fiqh, the last one was almost entirely tafsīr, while the others were subjects that were dealt with intensively in kalām. In this study, Imām Māturīdī’s vision of the companions will be revealed and what the companions mean in the mind and heart of an Islamic scholar who never neglected the mind and gave it great importance will be revealed. (shrink)

al-Qurṭubī (d. 671/1273) was a scholar of tafsīr, ḥadīth and fiqh. He experienced both Western and Eastern civilizations in the geography of Andalusia and Egypt, respectively. In his famous Tafsīr called al-Jâmi li-Aḥkâm al-Qur’ān, al-Qurṭubī comparatively explained and interpreted all legal verses. Also, in addition to exploring the spesific legal rulings denoted in the Qur’ān and the Sunnah, al-Qurṭubī has largely interpreted the legal norms regarding the issues of jurisprudence. By doing this, al-Qurṭubī contributed to the formation and development of (...) a civil codification activity under a kazuistic format. The casuistic structure of the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān is anlaysed in terms of the form and content in the sample of al-Jâmi. Therefore, neither the similarity or similarity of the schools of the legal exegesis of Qur’ān and of the legal schools nor the disciplines of positive law, but their kazuistic structures, which systems they built and which interpretation methods and techniques they operated on this basis, were evaluated in terms of their original structure. In this direction, the article emphasizes that the casuistic structure of the legal exegesis of Qur’ān is established on and by the Prophet’s sayings and practices. Although, it has been observed that it is a unique tradition, both as form and content, and that the interpretation means are identified with its own unique structure, it has been concluded that the casuistic method is not one of the fundamental elements of both this tradition and Islamic legal thought. This means that the casuistic method is always a tool that can be changed and transformed according to the conditions of time and space.Summary: As it is stated in al-Isrāʾ 17/106: “And (it is) a Qur’ān which we have separated (by intervals) that you might recite it to the people over a prolonged period. And we have sent it down progressive.”, the Qur’ān is revelaed in about twenty-three years by taking into consideration the sociocultural positions of its interlocutors. The Prophet Muḥammad explained the Qur’ān by the virtue of the ayah: “(We sent them) with clear proofs and written ordinances. And We revealed to you the message (i.e. that you may make clear to the people what was sent down to them and that they might give thought.” (an-Naḥl 16/44). Of course, there is no subject integrity in this Qurānic chronology-which also reflects life. As a matter of fact, the issues related to individual and society have been independently analyzed by a casuistic/case-based method and ruled in accordance with the intention of Allāh. It can be seen that the ayahs “They ask you about wine and gambling. Say, ‘In them is great sin and (yet, some) benefit for people. But their sin is greater than their benefit.’ And they ask you what they should spend. Say, ‘The excess (beyond needs).’ Thus Allāh makes clear to you the verses (of revelation) that you might give thought.” (al-Baqara 2/219) and other ayahs such as (al-Baqara 2/186; al-Nisāʾ 4/176; al-Anfāl 8/1) reflect the casuistic method in terms of form and content. This can also be exemplified by the Sunna. For example, when the question “Is it permissible to perform ablutions with sea water?” was posed to Messenger of Allāh. He said that “It’s water is clean and his dead (fish) are lawful “(Abū Dāwūd, “Ṭaḥāra”, 41). By this answer, the Prophet Muḥammad indeed ruled and established a general rule.It can be said that this early example table formed the basis of the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān in terms of origin, source and application, and that its shape and content are often immanent in the examples it contains. In this article, based on the prophetic period, the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān and casuistic structure has been studied with an analytical and critical approach. Again, because the casuistic method is one of the universal concepts of east-west science and cultural life, an interdisciplinary approach was exhibited in this study. The roots of the casuistic method date back to 5000 BC and the legal systems of the society and states of antiquity are examined from this method. This method is chosen and used in the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān. However, this study does not analyse the sameness or the similarity of the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān and the legal schools nor the positive law disciplines, but the casuistic structures used by these, the systems they have built on this basis and the interpretation methods and techniques they have been used and analyzed in terms of their originality.In effect, the article embodies the Qur’ānic exegesis called al-Jâmi li-Aḥkâm al-Qur’ān by al-Qurṭubī (d. 671/1273), a scholar of tafsīr, ḥadīth and fiqh. In addition to the works of the aḥkām al-Qur’āns, which deal with the interpretation of the ayahs related to the subjects of ʿibādāt, muʿāmalāt ve ʿuḳūbāt, many other works have been used in parallel with the development of the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān. al-Qurṭubī, who comparingly explained the legal verses in his tafsīr, investigated the aspects of the Qur’ān and Sunna that indicate the aḥkām, generally interpreted the existing legal norms within the framework of evidence and introduced his own opinions and etasblished his ijtihād. Thus, he benefited from the tafsīr accumulation and contributed to the formation and development of a civil legalization activity with casuistic format. As a matter of fact, the casuistic/case-based method has been used as a codification/tadwīn technique by Western and Eastern legal disciplines and systems. The casuistic method covers both concrete event and abstract ruling methods. In the casuistic method, which is fact-based event, the laws are organized according to all possible events that can be experienced. On the other hand, the abstract method, which is defined as the abstract ruling method, aims to organize the laws in a general and abstract framework. In the article, it is stated that the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān contains both concrete and abstract dimensions in its own way. It has been emphasized that the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān is based on divine revelation (waḥy) and that it is separated from human law as its origin and source, and that this feature is its most faithful characteristic. On this basis, the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān is a separate scholarly tradition and has its own definition, subject and purpose. Its original structure and function have been noted. As a matter of fact, the subject and purpose of the legal exegesis of the Qur’ān always require the tafsīr and taʾwīl of the legal verses having regard to the Qur’ān and Sunna. It is also necessary for the purpose of investigating the ways in which nuṣūṣ (an explicit statement upon which a ruling is based) can refer to the provisions and to resolve the issues related to individuals and society. As a matter of fact, the legal verses function as a guide for humanity until the day of judgment as the inspiration for religious-legal matters; they contain the content and provisions that offer happiness in the two worlds. (shrink)

Britanya'daki tüm Müslüman toplumu için tek bir dini otoritenin olmaması, etnik ve mezhepsel farklılıklara bağlı olarak pek çok dini otoritenin oluşmasına neden olmaktadır. Britanya’daki Müslüman topluluklar genelde etnik ve mezhepsel kimlikler etrafında kümeleştiklerinden ötürü camileri ve dini otoriteyi de buna göre oluşturmuşlardır. Bu makale, Britanya doğumlu genç Sünnî Müslümanlar için dini otoritenin ne olduğunu araştırmaktadır. Bu çalışmada kullanılan veriler Britanya’nın en kozmopolit şehirlerinden biri olan Leeds şehrinde, etnografik bir çalışmayla 18-30 yaş aralığındaki genç- Sünni Müslümanlarla yapılan mülakatlardan elde edilmiştir. Bu (...) çalışmanın temel gayesi bu genç Müslümanların günlük dini yaşamlarında dini tavsiyeleri nereden ve nasıl aldıklarını yansıtmaktır. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma, Britanya bağlamında araştırmaya katılan kişilerin dini otorite arayışlarındaki tercihlerini ortaya koymaktadır. Bu açıdan özellikle Britanya doğumlu genç Müslümanların eğilimini ortaya koymak son derece önemlidir. Bu makale, başlangıç olarak katılımcıların tercihlerine dayalı olarak Müslümanlar için dini otoritenin merkezinde bulunan dört cami imamını takdim etmektedir. Onları ele almakla, Britanya’daki Sünni Müslümanların yaşamlarında cami imamlarının rolü ortaya konulmaktadır. Her bir imamın profili incelenirken camii cemaatinin hangi sorular sorduğu ve imamlara yaklaşım metodu yansıtılmaktadır. Daha sonra, Leeds ’teki Müslümanların dini yaşamlarında özel bir önemi olan ve fetva veren iki meşhur din uzmanı ele alınmaktadır. Son olarak da Britanya’da yaşayan sıradan Müslümanların dini otorite arayışında sanal bir bilgi kaynağı olarak internet incelenmektedir. Böylece bu çalışma başlıca iki sonuç ortaya koyar: Britanya’daki genç Müslümanlar Deobandī, Barēlwī ve Cema’ati İslâmî gibi farklı mezhebi kimliklerden de olsalar da sıradan bir Müslümanın belli bir ameli mezhebi (Hanefî, Şafiî, Malikî ve Hanbelî) takip etmenin elzem olduğunu kabul etmektedirler. Diğeri ise onların dini otorite arayışındaki eğilimlerinin genelde ilk olarak yerel cami imamından başlayıp sonra da onların etnik ve mezhebi çevrelerinde meşhur olan daha uzman ulemaya kadar geniş çevreye ulaşmasıdır. (shrink)

The scholars of Ahl as-Sunnah, who are united in the view that sin will not nullify faith and other good deeds, dissented from opinion on the status of the deeds of the person who converted to Islam after his apostasy, in the first Muslim period. In general, Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs argued that those deeds would be in vain with direct apostasy, while Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs also stipulated death for this purpose, and claimed that a person's previous deeds would not be lost with apostasy alone. (...) Comprehensive interpretations on this issue have found a place for itself mostly in tafsir rather than disciplines such as kalam, fiqh and usûl. Here, while Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs grounds on verse 5/5 of the Surah al-Ma’idah, which only mentions that deeds will be in vain through apostasy; Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs is based on verse 2/217 of Surah al-Baqarah, which connects this futility to death as apostasy. The parties made different inferences against each other over the relevant verses and gave various answers. The most fundamental point of disagreement among these was the question of whether the first verse, which is muṭlaq in terms of usūl, should be attributed to the second verse, which is in the position of muqayyad. While Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs objected to this process with the thought that the conditions for attributing muṭlaq to the muqayyad were not met in the relevant verses, Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs, which took a more flexible stance on this issue, approved this attributing process within the framework of the conditions and accordingly reached their relevant views. When the parties evaluated the relevant verses, they made their explanations mostly in the explanation of the 2/217 verse of the Surah Baqarah, which is prior to the arrangement and is in the position of a muqayyad. Since Shāfiʽī/Ash'arī scholars are already based on the relevant verse, it is quite understandable that the place where they examine the subject is the interpretation of this divine word. Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs, on the other hand, examined the issue here in order to respond to the meaning attributed to the verse by Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs. Shafi'i/Ash'aris based their judgments on one of the two verses, Surah Baqara, 2/217, as a requirement of attributing mutlaq to the muqayyad, and in fact, accepted a single verse as a criterion. On the other hand, Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs, made separate judgments from both of them, claiming that the conditions for attributing muṭlaq to the muqayyad, were not fulfilled in the two related verses. In this context, they concluded from the first verse that death as apostasy necessitates eternal disappointment, and from the second verse, apostasy absolutely wastes deeds. Here, the most typical result of the separation between the two sects emerges as to whether a person will repeat the pilgrimage, for example, he performed while he was a Muslim when he returns to Islam after apostasy. While the Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs, who thought that deeds will be wasted only by death due to apostasy, did not consider it necessary to go on pilgrimage again, while Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs, who thought that deeds will be lost directly with apostasy even if death does not occur, held the person responsible for pilgrimage. In this study, it will be tried to explain the basic intellectual framework of the view advocated by the parties and the background of what kind of criticism they brought to their opponents. (shrink)