في كتابه "العلمانية من سالب الدين إلى موجب الدولة: راهنية مشروع بشارة عربيًا"، الصادر عن المركز العربي للأبحاث ودراسة السياسات، يشتغل سهيل الحبيّب على فرضية أن كتاب عزمي بشارة، الدين والعلمانية في سياق تاريخي، هو إضافة نوعية على المستويين المعرفي والنظري إلى ما هو سائد في السياق الفكري والأيديولوجي العربي المعاصر والراهن من فهمٍ نظري للعلمانية، ومن تمثّل تاريخي لظواهرها. ويحاول الاستدلال على صحة هذه الفرضية بتحديد الوجوه المتعيّنة للإضافات المعرفية والنظرية التي يحويها كتاب بشارة، من حيث هو جهد يتتبّع (...) ظواهر التديّن والتَّعَلْمُن على مدار قرون عديدة وفي سياقات عديدة من التاريخ الغربي الحديث والمعاصر والراهن، للوصول إلى الفهم التاريخي لظاهرتَي الدين والعلمانية. (shrink)

Islam - Early works to 20th century ; Islamic ethics - Early works to 20th century.

Enlightenment; modernism; Arab countries.

jild-i 1. al-Taṣawwurāt -- jild-i 2. al-Taṣdīqāt.

Maḥmūd, Zakī Najīb; 1905- ; philosophy; criticism and interpretation.

Sharīf Kāshānī, Ḥabīb Allāh, -1921 or 1922 ; Persian poetry- 20th century ; Sufi poetry, Persian- 20th century.

Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469-1527; political views; political science; international relations; philosophy.

The world’s first COVID-19 human challenge trial using the D614G strain of SARS-CoV-2 is underway in the United Kingdom. The Wellcome Trust is funding challenge stock preparation of the Beta variant (B.1.351) for a follow-up human challenge trial, and researchers at Imperial College London are considering conducting that trial. However, little has been written thus far about the ethical justifiability of human challenge trials with SARS-CoV-2 variants of concern. While vaccine resistance as such does not increase risks for volunteers in (...) COVID-19 challenge trials, we explore two specific characteristics of some variants that may initially be thought to make such trials unethical and conclude that SARS-CoV-2 variant challenge trials can remain ethical. (shrink)

Islamic philosophy - 16th century; Jurjānī, ʻAlī ibn Muḥammad, al- Sayyid al- Sharīf.

The Enneagram is a powerful tool, with ancient roots and modern appeal, for detailing the human personality. It illuminates the painful truth of where we are and inspires us with the promise of where we could be. As the Enneagram has grown in popularity over the past 30 years, the insights offered have focused either on the present or the future, with little guidance on how to move from Point A to Point B. In the The Conscious Enneagram Abi Robins (...) offers a rich, insightful guide for those seeking to move from patterns to promise. Through practical, easy-to-understand coaching, storytelling, and personal inquiry, Robins explores three main ways for getting from where we are to where we could be: Practice, Lineage, and Community. These make up the three-legged stool of the inner and outer work required to radically change the way we think, feel, and move through the world. This book will show you how to cultivate each of these legs in your life in meaningful, enriching ways that are tailored to your type. (shrink)

jild-i 1. Az ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd Kātib (59 Sh.) tā Abū al-Ḥasan Masʻūdī (336 Sh.) -- jild-i 2. Az Abū al-Ḥasan ʻĀmirī (291 Sh.) tā Abū al-Faz̤l Bayhaqī (465 Sh.) -- jild-i 3. Az Nāṣir Khusraw (383 Sh.) tā Sadīd al-Dīn ʻAwfī (616 Sh.) -- jild-i 4. Az Najm al-Dīn Rāzī (553 Sh.) tā Fakhr al-Muḥaqqiqīn (748 Sh.) -- jild-i 5. Az ʻUbayd Zākānī (670 Sh.) tā Jalāl al-Dīn Sayūṭī (884 Sh.) -- jild-i 6. Az Rūzbihān Khunjī (825 Sh.) tā Shaykh (...) Ḥurr ʻĀmilī (1071 Sh.) -- jild-i 7. Az ʻAlāmah Majlisī (1006 Sh.) tā Muḥammad Bāqir Shafaq (1223 Sh.) -- jild-i 8. Az Muḥammad Ṣādiq Marvazī (1147 Sh.) tā Mīrzā Fatḥʻalī Ākhūndzādah (1289 Sh.) -- jild-i 9. Az Mīrzā-yi Shīrāzī Avval (1194 Sh.) tā Ākhūnd Khurāsānī (1290 Sh.) -- jild-i 10. Az ʻAbd Allāh Māzandarānī (1219 Sh.) tā Saʻd Zaghlūl (1306 Sh.) -- jild-i 11. Az ʻImād al-ʻUlamāʼ Khalkhālī (1237 Sh.) tā ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz S̲aʻālibī (1323 Sh.) -- jild-i 12. Az Āyat Allāh Burūjirdī (1254 Sh.) tā Muḥammad Amīn Rasūlʹzādah (1333 Sh.) -- jild-i 13. Az ʻAbd al-Karīm Zanjānī (1263 Sh.) tā Amīn al-Ḥusaynī (1353 Sh.) -- jild-i 14. Az Jamālzādah (1274 Sh.) tā Mahdī Bāzargān (1373) -- jild-i 15. Az Muḥammad Ḥamīd Allāh (1286 Sh.) tā Muṭahharī (1358 Sh.) -- jild-i 16. Az Farīdūn Ādamīyat (1299 Sh.) tā Muṣṭafá Khumaynī (1356 Sh.) -- jild-i 17. Az Samīr Amīn (1310 Sh.) tā Ḥasan Ḥanafī -- jild-i 18. Az Sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir Ṣadr (1314 Sh.) tā Rāshid al-Ghanūshī -- jild-i 19. Az ʻAlī Awmlīl (1321 Sh.) tā Ṭāriq Ramaz̤ān. (shrink)

Manners and etiquettes of social life in the light of Islam.

The science of wakf-ibtidâ, whose practical reflections we observe from the Prophet himself, draws attention as an important subject that the companions also referred to, within the framework of the interpretation of the word "tertîl" in the verses where Allah orders the Qur'an to be read with tertîl. In the following period, this science, which was considered among the sub-disciplines of the science of recitation, both in the Qur'anic recitation-themed works and in the interpretations of commentators, was included in chapter, (...) section or special parts. Because wakf and ibtidâ are extremely important for the interpretation of the Quran as well as for the science of recitation. Namely, "wakf", which means stopping reading and breathing at a place where the meaning is complete, and "ibtidâ", which means continuing to read from a place that is suitable for the integrity of the meaning, is an indispensable discipline due to its direct relevance in the correct manifestation of the meaning of the Quran. In addition, wakf-ibtidâ, which performs an undeniable function in regulating the recitation of the reader, stands out as a science that scholars cannot remain independent of in this respect. One of the scholars in question is Mekkî b. Ebî Talib (d. 437/1045). He is a scholar of recitation who has guided the literature with his writings throughout the historical process of the science of recitation and is among the most distinguished names in the field, and has also influenced the subsequent literature with his attitude towards the basic issues of this science. Based on this reality, in this study, Mekki's approach to the science of vakf-ibtidâ will be examined specifically in his commentary named al-Hidaye ila bülüği'n-nihâye. In this context, first of all, a brief definition of the concept will be made, and the method of scholars' compilation of the mentioned science and the resulting classifications will be touched upon. Then, Mekki's classification logic in this discipline, the original concepts he used in this regard, and the words he subjected to special criticism will be discussed. In addition, the names he used will be contacted and the tradition he followed within the framework of the subject will be tried to be determined. (shrink)

bakhsh-i 1. Muqaddamah, Manṭiq, Umūr-i ʻāmmah, Ṭabīʻyāt, Ilāhīyāt.

One of the most important issues that distinguishes the Baghdādī branch of the Muʿtazila from the Baṣran branch is their view on ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 40/661). Basra branch accepts the order of virtue of the first four caliphs as their order of coming to office, while the Baghdad branch considers the first three caliphs legitimate, but considers Ali more virtuous than them. The Baghdādī Muʿtazilīs who outspokenly defended this idea were Abū Jaʿfar al-Iskāfī (d. 240/854), Abū al-Qāsim al-Kaʿbī (...) (d. 319/931) and Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd (d. 656/1258). Among them, Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd was renowned as “the greatest scholar of the Muʿtazila” and was considered one of the last representatives of this school. He ardently defended ʿAlī's superiority in his commentary on Nahj al-Balāgha, the famous collection of Ali’s sermons, letters and wisdom sayings. In his defense, he rebutted some criticisms about ʿAlī’s political decisions from his school’s point of view. Many items of Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd’s rebuttal are worthy of analysis in terms of their content, style and approach. This article aims to present a detailed account of Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd’s aforementioned refutations. In addition to the descriptive method, the interpretative method was also employed in the article. Although Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd did not consider Ali's infallibility necessary (wājib), unlike Imamiyya, he accepted it. Therefore, he responded to the criticisms directed at Ali, starting from the point of Ali's innocence. According to Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd: (a) After the death of the Prophet, ʿAlī insisted on becoming the new leader of the Muslim community. He did not act hastily to assume the caliphate because he was not expecting any opposition to that. However, when the events took a different turn, he did not escalate the situation, rather accepted the status quo. (b) ʿAlī also did the right thing by participating in ʿUmar b. Al-Khaṭṭāb’s (d. 23/644) electoral shūrā. This was an opportunity for him to become the next caliph, and reinstitute a system in accordance with the Qurʿānic principles and sunna of the Prophet. (c) It was also not an error when ʿAlī decided to stay in Medina during the events of ʿUthmān’s murder (d. 35/656). He played an active role in dissuading the rebels from their attempt to kill ʿUthmān, but he was in no position to know that his activity would be used against him later by the Umayyads who accused ʿAlī of being complicit in ʿUthmāns’s murder. (d) ʿAlī took the caliphate after ʿUthmān because of his popularity among the people. In this way, he managed to prevent an unqualified person to occupy the seat of the caliphate. (e) When the Battle of Camel broke out, those who demanded justice and opposed ʿAlī were in error. (f) When ʿAlī became the new caliph, his decision to remove Muʿāwīya (d. 60/680) from the governorship of Syria was correct. This is because Muʿāwīya would have refused to accept ʿAlī’s leadership even had he stayed in office as a governor. ʿAlī understood that the conflict would end only through fighting, so he did not lose time in marching against Muʿāwīya. (g) During the battle he abided by the sharīʿa and allowed the Syrian army to access water. (h) It was not ʿAlī, but those defectors in his army who obliged him to end the fighting through arbitration. (i) When ʿAlī agreed to sign the Ṣiffīn ceasefire agreement and did not use his title amīr al-muʾminīn, he followed the Prophet's example since the latter also refrained from using his title during the Ḥudaybiyya agreement. (j) ʿAlī also cannot be blamed for those among his supporters, such as the poet al-Najāshī, who defected and joined the ranks of Muʿāwīya. The motivations for the defectors were either to attain worldly gains or to escape from punishment for the crimes which they had committed. (k) When Muʿāwīya managed to conquer Egypt, ʿAlī’s governors of the province, Qays b. Saʿd (d. 60/680) or Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr (d. 38/658), did nothing for which they could be blamed. (l) And finally, ʿAlī never had guards to protect him because he was never afraid of being assassinated. Although Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd took Ali's innocence as a basis while presenting these views, he did not make inconsistent comments in general and did not say things contrary to historical facts. Therefore, it is necessary to acknowledge historical value of his views in question. (shrink)

One of the Spanish Muslim authors that could not be identified until now is Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Abī l-‛Āṣ al-Andalusī, to whom two short medical treatises are attributed. A study of the preserved manuscripts of both works, as well as the revision of some sources and recently published studies, will allow us to identify this author as the Granadan Morisco Muḥammad b. Abī l-‛Āṣī, a physician that in the first half of the 17th century left the Iberian Peninsula to (...) reside in Istanbul, and afterwards in Cairo, where his trace is lost in the year 1637. In this article, we will expose all the available biographical data about this person, and we will make a brief analysis of his two treatises. (shrink)

Mu'tazila and Shīʿa (Zaydiyya-Imāmiyya) have common views on many theological issues except the imamate. This issue has been generally accepted by other Islamic scholars rather than Shīʿa and by Western researchers. That in this interaction between the Mu‘tazila and the Shīʿa, the Shīʿa is the side mostly affected. However, it is an issue that should not be overlooked that the Shīʿa partially influenced the Mu'tazila in ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, over the other Companions. In this context, some persons from the (...) Baghdad Mu’tazila School such as Bishr b. al-Muʿtamir (d. 210/825), Jaʿfar b. Mubashir (d. 234/848), Jaʿfar b. Harb (d. 236/850) and al-Iskāfī (d. 240/854) argued that the imamate of Abū Bakr, who was less virtuous, was permissible although they considered ʿAlī as the most virtuous person after the Prophet. In addition, al-ʿAllāf (d. 235/849-850), al-Naẓẓām (d. 231/845), Abū Abdullah al-Basrī (d. 369/979-80) and Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1025) along with Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī (d. 303/916), one of the chiefs of the Basra Mu'tazila School, and Abū Hāshim al-Jubbāʾī (d. 321/933) did not accept the order of caliphate as the order of virtue. This study focuses on the issue of whether the aforementioned affinity between Mu'tazila and Shīʿa affected Mu'tazila, especially in the interpretation of the verses associated with ʿAlī. In the study, the aforementioned problem was examined through the tafsīr al-Kashshāf of the Muʿtazilī mufassir al-Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144). In addition to the importance of tafsīr, the fact that al-Zamakhsharī took lessons from Shīʿīte/Zaydī persons and he wrote the tafsīr with the support of Zaydī leader al-Wahhās (d. 506/1112) is effective in handling this issue through al-Kashshāf's tafsīr. In the first part of the study, first of all, the interaction between Imāmiyya and Zaydism, which are the two most important branches of Mu‘tazila and Shīʿa, is briefly mentioned. Then, Mu'tazila’s and Al-Zamakhsharī’s view on ʿAlī's position among other caliphs is emphasized. Al-Zamakhsharī, who is from the Basra school of the Mu'tazila, does not consider ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib superior to Abū Bakr, unlike al-ʿAllāf, Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī, Abū Hāshim al-Jubbāʾī and Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār, who are the leading figures of this school. In fact, the fact that he always observed the order of the caliphate while talking about the merits of the four caliphs supports the possibility that, unlike his predecessors, he accepted the order of the caliphate as the order of virtue. In the second part, it is questioned whether the narrations that al-Zamakhsharī included in his tafsīr of the verses associated with ʿAlī are similar to the narrations of the Shīʿīte/Zaydī/Imāmī tradition and whether he interpreted the verses in parallel with these narrations. In this respect, the tafsīr al-Kashshāf has been examined comparatively with the Sunni and Shiite tafsīrs prior to it. Eventually, while interpreting these verses associated with the Ahl al-bayt (members of the Prophet’s household), al-Zamakhsharī highlights the narrations that appreciate the virtues of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and his child. However, he also refrains from making comments that would be in line with the Shīʿa's belief in imamate. In particular, his tafsīr of the verse al-Aḥzāb 33/33 in the context of the Prophet’s wives is the greatest indicator of this situation. It has been determined that while al-Zamakhsharī includes the narrations highlighting the virtue of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and his children, he mostly follows the Sunni commentator al-Thaʿlabī. In particular, it has been seen that al-Zamakhsharī transferred the narration material in the interpretation of the relevant verses from al-Thaʿlabī's commentary almost in the same way. However, it is noteworthy that al-Zamakhsharī differs from him in some details such as linguistically supporting these narrations in some verses such as ʾĀli ʿImrān 3/61 and al-Māʾidah 5/55. An indirect influence can be mentioned because al-Thaʿlabī frequently narrates the narrations supporting the Shīʿītes in places where there is a Sunni-Shīʿīte conflict. Therefore, although there is no evidence that al-Zamakhsharī took these narrations from Shīʿīte sources, it is seen that he brought ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib-based narrations in Sunni sources into the fore. Even in the commentary of al-Ḥākim al-D̲h̲us̲h̲amī, al-Zamakhsharī's teacher in the line of Zaydi/Mu'tazili, the lack of Ali emphasis in the interpretation of the aforementioned verses supports our view. (shrink)

This paper presents a unique manuscript copy of a fifth/eleventh-century Maghribī commentary on al-Bāqillānī’s Kitāb al-Tamhīd. The work, entitled al-Tasdīd fī sharḥ al-Tamhīd, was written by ‘Abd al-Jalīl b. Abī Bakr al-Dībājī —also known as Ibn al-Ṣābūnī— who had studied the Kitāb al-Tamhīd with al-Bāqillānī’s disciples in Qayrawān. The present study first reviews the transmission of al-Bāqillānī’s work to the Islamic west. It then continues to present the author of the commentary, to reconstruct the work’s genesis and to describe its (...) content. The final section focuses on a sample chapter and argues that al-Dībājī follows al-Bāqillānī’s later position on a specific theory —the so-called theory ofaḥwāl— of which the Tamhīd strongly disapproved. The Tasdīd is one of the oldest texts of Maghribī Ash‘arism that has come down to us and provides valuable new insights into the school’s early history in the Islamic west. (shrink)

During the past century of oriental studies, the question of when and where Muslim traditions came to be propped up with validating lines of transmission has attracted a considerable amount of scholarly attention, for its bearing on the key issue of the historicity of ḥadīth. In this essay, I review the existing theories about the origin of the isnād, which alternate between the lifetime of the Prophet’s Companions and the end of the second century AH/c. 816 CE. Based on a (...) hitherto largely overlooked tradition and two general methodological premises, I associate the inception of corroborative attribution to past authorities in legal and theological ḥadīth with the aftermath of al-Mukhtār b. Abī ʿUbayd al-Thaqafī’s revolt in Kūfa. Over the course of the second/eighth century, the isnād institution spread out across the major centers of learning in the caliphate and entered the field of historical reports. Such geographical and typological unevenness of the isnād’s evolution gave rise to conflicting theories about its chronology. (shrink)

Esta investigación intenta identificar al "muftí de Orán," bosquejando su vida y carrera a través de un análisis de los datos disponibles en las fuentes oorteafricanaa. Quisiera plantear que, ya en las fuentes biográficas del siglo XVI, se bao coofundido las biografias de dos emditoa, la del muftí, Abti l-'Abbáa Alimad b. Ahí (~um'a (m. 917/1511), y la de su hijo, Abti 'Abd Alláb Mul~ammad ~aqrtin (m. 929/1523-24). Mi investigación propone resolver esta confusión. Originario de Orán, Al~mad estudió en Tremecéo (...) y acabó por establecerse en Fez, donde cooaiguió un puesto como profesor de ley islámica. Ea probable que haya emitido su famoaafarwó de 910/1504 a los moriscos desde allá, como uno de los juristas prominentes de la ciudad, con la intención de oponerse a la opinión de su contemporáneo AlJmad b. YalJyá alWaniariai (m. 914/1508). (shrink)

This paper tries to explore the origin of an Ifrīqiyan historical school active in the middle of the 9th century throughout the unfortunately lost work of the chronicler ʿĪsā b. Muḥammad b. Sulaymān b. Abī l-Muhājir Dīnār. This paper opens with a gathering of all the excerpts of this list work which have been copied by other writers. Apart from the study of the historical importance of those “new” fragments, we’ll try to understand the nature of this work and the (...) strategies of its composition. (shrink)

1. al-Tajurbah al-Ṣūfīyah -- 2. Khuṣūṣīyah al-khiṭāb al-Ṣūfī wa lughatahu -- 3. al-Ashkāl al-ramzīyah wa waẓāʼifhā ʻinda al-Shaīkh al-Ākbar.

In this volume, Angelika Brodersen examines how elements of Māturīdite tradition and processes of transformation occur in Nūr al-Dīn al-Ṣābūnī’s _Kitāb al-Kifāya fī l-hidāya fī uṣūl ad-dīn_, which contributed to the consolidation of the Māturīdiyya as a Sunni school. Im vorliegenden Band untersucht Angelika Brodersen, wie sich im _Kitāb al-Kifāya fī l-hidāya fī uṣūl ad-dīn_, des māturīditischen Gelehrten Nūr ad-Dīn aṣ-Ṣābūnī sowohl Elemente māturīditischer Tradition als auch Transformationsprozesse verfolgen lassen, die zur Konsolidierung der Māturīdiyya als sunnitische Schulrichtung beitrugen.

These notules deal with the question of the lexical data in vernacular/semi-vernacular Arabic collected in the Manāqib Abī l-Qāsim al-Misrātī by the writer Ǧamāl al-dīn Muḥammad b. Ḫalaf al-Misrātī al-Qayrawānī. We remind historians and linguists of the interest there would be in studying the textual material in vernacular/semi-vernacular Arabic from Tunisia-Libya in the 11th/17th century in order to contribute to a better knowledge of the social history of linguistic habits. The information is exposed in Arabic script and ranged into two (...) sections: common lexicon and compound formulas/sentence segments. (shrink)