The prevailing historiographic reconstruction of the political struggle in Athens during the last years of the fifth century originates from the discovery of the text of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia [Ath.]. According to this reconstruction, three political options and three political programmes were in effect. These were, on the one hand, traditional democracy and opposing oligarchy; on the other, a new third way, that of ‘the moderates’, who under the leading of Theramenes represents a solution to the stasis. (...) The political program of themoderates is supposed to include the following fundamental items: a return to an ancient constitution, the reduction of the number of citizens and their political rights, the sovereignty of law, and the recuperation of accord between citizens. This paper tries to highlight the weakness of this interpretation by analysing the difficulties in grasping from the sources this whole program and their adscription to a leader and to a distinctive political group. The misinterpretation was already implicit in the author of the Athenian Constitution, perhaps a disciple of Aristotle. He wrote influenced by the Aristotelian political theory and thereby he interpreted all that he had read about Theramenes, the Five Thousand and the patrios politeia as if the Aristotelian ideals of the mesotes and of mese politeia were actually proposed and temporally achieved in Athens by the efforts of Theramenes and his supporters. (shrink)

The London papyrus of the Athenaion Politeia of Aristotle makes this statement about the prizes awarded in the musical contests at the Panathenaic games:It has been generally assumed that the andhere are connected with the prizes offered in the musical contests in IG n2 2311.1–22.For instance the winner in the lyre-playing contest receives a gold crown worth 1000 drachmas as well as 500 drachmas of silver.In consequence, the here are connected with the prizes offered in the musical contests (...) in IG n2 2311.1–22.For instance the winner in the lyre-playing contest receives a gold crown worth 1000 drachmas as well as 500 drachmas of silver.In consequence, the,in Aristotle should refer to the cash prize awarded to the winner in the lyre-playing contest.In other words, a sum of silver money would be referred to in Aristotle by the plural. (shrink)

The London papyrus of the Athenaion Politeia of Aristotle makes this statement about the prizes awarded in the musical contests at the Panathenaic games:It has been generally assumed that the andhere are connected with the prizes offered in the musical contests in IG n2 2311.1–22.For instance the winner in the lyre-playing contest receives a gold crown worth 1000 drachmas as well as 500 drachmas of silver.In consequence, the here are connected with the prizes offered in the musical contests (...) in IG n2 2311.1–22.For instance the winner in the lyre-playing contest receives a gold crown worth 1000 drachmas as well as 500 drachmas of silver.In consequence, the,in Aristotle should refer to the cash prize awarded to the winner in the lyre-playing contest.In other words, a sum of silver money would be referred to in Aristotle by the plural. (shrink)

This is the first comprehensive commentary on the Athenaion Politeia since that of J.E. Sandys in 1912. The Introduction discusses the history of the text; the contents, purpose and sources of the work; its language and style; its date, and the evidence for revision after the completion of the original version; and the place of the work in the Aristotelian school. The Commentary concentrates on the historical and institutional facts which the work sets out to give, their sources (...) and their relation to other accounts. Textual and linguistic questions are also addressed. (shrink)

Discovered one hundred years ago, Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia is invaluable to contemporary understanding of Athenian democracy. As a historical record, however, it has been found to be so unreliable that some have questioned its true authorship, and it has remained largely ignored by those studying philosophy and literature. Keaney uses a literary approach to reassert Aristotle's authorship and to present the Athenaion Politeia as a document that defies the constraints of any particular genre--probably never intended to (...) be a piece of historical writing. He goes beyond the traditional approach of historical analysis to consider the work as characteristic of a new and innovative genre created by Aristotle, that of empirically-based cultural history. (shrink)

It is possible that the School of Aristotle had a ‘broad’ model as a point of reference for the Politeia of a community. The differences in character or structure will have been determined by the characteristics of the community and the documentation that the School in its in own time unearthed on each community. Although there undoubtedly was a tendency towards a certain form of structure and this is evident, the structuring of an opusculum into obligatory parts, as fixed (...) contents, is rather a tendency of modern analysis. A definition of the Athenaion Politeia as ‘atypical’ must therefore be avoided since, in their variety, the quoted sources and the Heraclidean extracts demonstrate that such a fixed model does not exist. (shrink)

Zusammenfassung Die parallele Untersuchung der historischen Quellen zum oligarchischen Teilstaat von Eleusis nach dem Sturz der Dreißig legt nahe, dass der Vertrag unter anderem die Ordnung in Eigentumsfragen wiederherstellen sollte, nachdem die Häuser der zuvor ermordeten Eleusinier von Athenern willkürlich in Besitz genommen worden waren. Während bisherige Interpretationen der entsprechenden Klausel von der Annahme ausgehen, dass viele Eleusiner gezwungen waren, ihre Häuser zu verlassen, wird argumentiert, dass sie das Recht behielten, weiter in Eleusis zu wohnen. Das eingeführte Vermittlungsverfahren wird als (...) ein Indiz interpretiert, dass auch diese Maßnahme als Verhandlung mit dem Ziel der Versöhnung eingeführt wurde. (shrink)

§ 1. The dates for Peisistratus’ reigns and exiles in the Athenaion Politeia, as given in the papyrus, which is the sole authority for the text, are as follows.

This paper focuses on two problems connected with our sources for Athenian politics between 510/09 and 488/7 B.C.: In the Athenaion Politeia attributed to Aristotle, ostracism is included in the laws of Cleisthenes. But later the author of the Ath. dates the first ostracism to the year 488/7. Depending on the date of Cleisthenes' laws, this leaves a gap of thirteen to twenty years between the institution of ostracism and its first use. Yet the very nature of the (...) law suggests that it was passed for immediate use. Cleisthenes' rival, Isagoras, is described in Ath. 20.1 as φίλος τῶν τυράννων. This label conflicts with two details in the political struggle. It involves Cleomenes, who had recently expelled the tyrants from Athens, in an astounding volte-face in supporting one who is known as φίλος τῶν τνράννων. Secondly, Isagoras had had the opportunity of imposing by force the kind of government he wanted—but it was an oligarchy, not a tyranny. How did the inappropriate label originate?The reaction of most scholars to the first problem has been to reject the ascription of ostracism to Cleisthenes in Ath. 22.1 and 22.4 and date the institution of ostracism to shortly before the first recorded ostracism. (shrink)

In the Politics, Aristotle recognizes participation in law courts as an essential element in citizenship, yet there has been relatively little scholarship on how he sees this participation being realized. References to law courts are sprinkled widely through the Politics, Rhetoric, and Ethics, as well as the Athenaiôn politeia, where their importance is revealed most clearly. Ernest Barker took great pride in the English administration of law: if he had returned to write a more thorough treatment of Aristotle's political (...) thought, he might well have focused on the courts. (shrink)

There is little evidence to support any estimate of the sizes and number of the phratries in Classical Attica. According to the author of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, there were four tribes, 12 phratries and 360 gene, corresponding respectively to the seasons, months and days of the year. Most older discussions of the tribal organization of Attica were based on this passage. More recently, however, scholars have come to agree that this information is too schematic to be historical, (...) and in any event was not intended to describe the constitution of Attica in the Classical period. Currently, in spite of this passage, many contend that there were probably numerous phratries in Classical Attica , which varied greatly in size. (shrink)

The nature of the census figures produced by Demetrius of Phaleron, crucial evidence for the size of the Athenian population, has been misunderstood. The census categories were not 'native Athenians, foreign residents and slaves', but 'citizens above the property qualification, residents without political rights and members of households'. The property qualification of 1,000 drachmas associated with Demetrius' regime was the requirement for holding the highest offices; the property requirement for citizenship rights was lower, as it was in the spurious constitution (...) of Draco described in Athenaion Politeia 4, which was probably invented and inserted during Demetrius' reign. In the light of this reinterpretation of the evidence for the structure of the Athenian population under Demetrius, a reconsideration of the evidence for the size of the Athenian population in 322 BC suggests that there were ea. 30,000 adult male citizens and far fewer metics than generally assumed, probably ea. 5,000. The distribution of property among the citizen population was very uneven, with the richest 30% of the population owning about 80% of the wealth. According to Demetrius' census as reinterpreted here, slaves outnumbered free residents by 'only' about 3:1, which still seems an implausibly high figure, but needs to be taken seriously as a government estimate rather than a rhetorical exaggeration. (shrink)

Solon's fragments 9–11 are preserved in three late authors: frr. 9 and 11 by Diodoros Sikelos , 9.20.2, Plutarch , Solon 3.6 and 30.3 respectively, and Diogenes Laertios , 1.50 and 1.51 respectively; and fr. 10 by Diogenes Laertios alone, 1.49. They are all quoted in the context of Solon's reaction to Peisistratos. Stories on this theme were circulating by the time of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia , and Rhodes' scepticism about them is well founded. Its author did (...) not garnish his version of events with these poems, nor indeed with any Solonian utterance, and he explicitly states that myth-making on this subject had already resulted in two stories about Solon and Peisistratos which were chronologically impossible. (shrink)

Es posible que la Escuela de Aristóteles tuviera un modelo ‘amplio’ como punto de partida para redactar la Politeia de una ciudad. Las diferencias en el carácter y la estructura dependían de las características de cada comunidad y de la documentación disponible. Si bien a través de los excerpta y los fragmentos es evidente la presencia de una tendencia hacia un cierto tipo de estructura, no existía un modelo fijo y su codificación es más bien una tendencia del análisis (...) moderno. Palabras-clave: Politeiai aristótelicas, Athenaion Politeia, modelo, diferencias, comunidad. (shrink)

The time-limits imposed by the κλεψύδρα on speakers in Athenian trials have been much discussed, but a valuable distillation of the ancient evidence and modern interpretations of it has recently been made by P. J. Rhodes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia , pp. 719–28. He prudently states his own conclusions in a cautious manner, but I find them convincing. One khous of water took 3 minutes to run out; this is indicated by the length of time (...) taken by the κλεψύδρα found in the Agora , which holds 2 khoes and takes 6 minutes, and it is also consistent with the evidence of Aiskhines about the διαμεμετρημένη μέρα. In a ‘measured-through day’, used only for public cases, the total amount of time allowed for the speeches in a trial was 11 amphoreis , equivalent to 132 khoes, taking 396 minutes; one third of this time was allocated to the prosecution, one third to the defence, and one third to the speeches on the assessment of the penalty . Time taken for other proceedings, including the allocation of jurors to courts, voting, and payment of jurors at the end of the day , was additional. (shrink)

Excepting the first half of Athēnaiōn Politeia, whose authorship remains controversial, there are no works of historical inquiry in the Aristotelian corpus. This contributes to the impression that Aristotle’s political theory abstracts from history. This judgment is reinforced by statements in the Poetics diminishing history and historians in favor of poetry and the poets. I offer a more nuanced interpretation, relying principally on an intertextual reading of the Athēnaiōn Politeia and Book Five of the Politics. Both texts direct (...) the reader’s attention to history, though in dramatically different ways. I argue that Aristotle’s uses of history are essential to his conversational engagements with the narratives that human beings construct in order to make sense of their experiences and to clarify options for choice. Read in a dialogic spirit, these texts underscore the possibilities and hazards of civic agency and preserve the importance of history, as well as poetry, for Aristotle’s political theory. (shrink)

Exceptuada la primera mitad de la Athēnaiōn Politeia, cuya autoría sigue siendo discutida, no hay obras de investigación histórica en el corpus aristotélico. Esto fortalece la impresión de que la teoría política aristotélica se abstrae de la historia. Esta opinión es reforzada por las afirmaciones contenidas en la Poética, que atenúan la importancia de la historia y los historiadores en favor de la poesía y los poetas. Esta contribución ofrece una interpretación más matizada, que se apoya sobre todo en (...) una lectura intertextual de la Athēnaiōn Politeia y el libro 5 de la Política. Ambos textos dirigen la atención del lector hacia la historia, pero en una manera completamente diferente. En este artículo argumento que los usos que hace Aristóteles de la historia son fundamentales para sus intercambios dialógicos con las narraciones que los seres humanos construyen para dar sentido a sus experiencias y aclarar sus opciones a la hora de elegir. Si se leen en este espíritu dialógico, estos textos resaltan las posibilidades y los riesgos de la acción política y salvaguardan la importancia tanto de la historia como de la poesía para la teoría política aristotélica. Palabras-clave: historia, poesía, ciencias sociales, teoría política. (shrink)

Zenons Politeia, der Entwurf eines idealen Staates aus G ttern und Weisen, erf hrt in der vorliegenden Studie eine neue Deutung als Gesellschaftsform, in der das Leben nach dem Gesetz der Natur verwirklicht ist.

THE NATURE OF POLITEIA AND ITS CANDIDACY FOR STATUS as the best regime in the doctrine of Aristotle remains a disputable question. Some scholars insist that whatever the best regime may be, it must be a kind of polity. Others, however, firmly contend that the best must be a variety of aristocracy, with a significant number arguing that the best may be a monarchy should a suitable candidate be available. Moreover, it has been argued that since the ancients did (...) not desire the establishment of “polities” and hence pluralistic politics, but that this has been a concern of the moderns, one must conclude that an understanding of politeia as being a “mixed regime” would be “a contradiction in terms, because a regime proper cannot. (shrink)